Hetzjagd auf Andersdenkende

Ich schäme mich für diese ostdeutsche LINKE. Kommentar von Mario Kühne aus Sachsen-Anhalt In einer beispiellosen Hetzjagd auf Mitglieder der Partei DIE LINKE und Mitglieder des Deutschen Bundestages, stellen ostdeutsche Parteimitglieder das Projekt, welches 2007 begonnen wurde, wieder in Frage. Eigentlich sollte man annehmen, dass die ständigen Proklamationen über gleiche Ideen und Vorstellungen einer möglichen zukünftigen Entwicklung, des freundschaftlichen und solidarischen Umgangs miteinander und der Akzeptanz unterschiedlicher Ansichten in der Partei, ernst gemeint sind. Durch den Aufruf „ Ihr sprecht nicht in unserem Namen“, vorwiegend von Mitgliedern des „Forums demokratischer Sozialismus“ (FdS) haben sich diese Mitglieder selbst ins Abseits gestellt. Das dabei immer wieder Personen, wie der Bundesgeschäftsführer in führender Position auftritt und somit nicht die Partei einigt, sondern auseinander treibt, kommt einem Missbrauch der Position des Bundesgeschäftsführers gleich. Interessant zu beobachten ist gleichzeitig, dass immer mehr jüdische und palästinensische Organisationen beide international anerkannte Journalisten unterstützen und sich insbesondere bei der linken Bundestagsfraktion beschweren. Wer jetzt noch behauptet Max Blumenthal und David Sheen seinen Antisemiten und Hasser des Staates Israel, hat nur die Absicht, die Kriegseinsätze der israelischen Regierung zu relativieren, den Siedlungsbau im Land der Palästinenser für gut zu heißen und einen Friedensprozess zu torpedieren. Auch der Fakt, dass beide Journalisten Mitglieder des „ Russell-Tribunals“ sind und vor der Europäischen Union (EU) als Zeugen zu den Gräueltaten des Krieges unter der Bevölkerung des Gaza–Streifens angerichtet wurden, ausgesagt haben, interessiert diese Leute nicht. Am 18. November 2014 ging die Meldung über viele Zeitungen und das Internet herum: „ Die EU hat die Nase voll von Israel – der Siedlungsbau in Ostjerusalem wird nicht gestoppt.“ Damit würdigt auch die EU beide als hervorragende Journalisten. Wenn 60 Personen unter anderem auch aus anderen Fraktionen des Bundestages an dem Fachgespräch mit Max Blumethal und David Sheen teilgenommen haben und keiner eine antisemitische oder von Israel Hassern verbreite Meinung kritisiert und sich auch nicht über die Veranstaltung bei der Bundestagsverwaltung beschwert, dann hat niemand ein Recht Inge Höger, Heike Hänsel, Anette Groth oder Claudia Haydt so zu beschmutzen und mit Forderungen zu überziehen, die jeglicher rechtlichen Grundlage entbehren. Wer dann noch in verleumderischer Art und Weise ein Zitat von Peres vor den Text stellt und damit versucht eine Verbindung zwischen den Veranstaltern und den Verbrechen des Hitlerfaschismus herzustellen, der lässt sich von Leuten benutzen, die nichts Gutes für diese linke Partei im Sinn haben können. Wenn das alles unter dem Prädikat Pluralismus geschieht, dann ist es angebracht diesen Mitglieder der Partei zu sagen: Ihr seid entschieden zu weit gegangen und ihr stellt Euch außerhalb einer linken Partei! Die Erziehung zu blinden Gefolgsleuten eines unfähigen Bundesgeschäftsführers, kann nicht Ziel einer positiven Entwicklung innerhalb der Partei sein. Und wenn DIE LINKE im Osten meint, sich zu einer Gesinnungspolizei innerhalb der Partei entwickeln zu müssen, dann werden hier Wege beschritten, die 1989 eigentlich abgelegt worden sein sollten. Niemand in der ostdeutschen Linken hat anderen Mitgliedern vorzuschreiben, was sie oder er zu denken oder zu tun bzw. zu lassen haben. Und niemand hat das Recht Menschen so zu diffamieren und eine Hexenjagd in Gang zu setzen, die seines gleichen sucht. Das hier immer wieder dieselben ostdeutschen Führungskräfte auftauchen und massiv die Partei beschädigen, in dem sie in blinder Gefolgschaft und ohne Kenntnisse der Tatsachen solche Art von Dreck unterschreiben, lässt ein Bild der LINKEN im Osten aufzeigen, welches schlimmer nicht sein kann. Die ostdeutsche Linke muss sich langsam entscheiden, ob sie solchen Leuten noch folgen kann und sich damit aktiv beteiligt an der Zerstörung des Projektes „DIE LINKE“. Man muss sich auch langsam fragen, welche Diskussionskultur in der Bundestagsfraktion vorherrscht, wenn ostdeutsche Abgeordnete sich herausnehmen einfach Veranstaltungen von anderen Kollegen abzusagen oder zu torpedieren. Bzw. anderen Kollegen vorschreiben, wie sie zu denken und zu handeln haben und Kritik an ihrer Person und ihren Äußerungen nicht zulassen. Diese Aktion zur Diffamierung von linken Politkern ist der absolute Tiefpunkt in der sich zuspitzenden Strömungsauseinandersetzung, welche angeheizt von führenden Kräften des FdS die Partei zerreißen kann. Nur um seine Meinungen und Ansichten von einer Parteientwicklung durchzusetzen und den Widerstand dagegen zu brechen, greifen diese Leute zu Mitteln der Diffamierung, Verleumdung und Lüge. Alles das, was wir Mitglieder an der Basis über die vielen Jahre in täglicher Kleinarbeit aufgebaut haben, wird durch solche Aktionen zerstört. Ich sage es noch einmal ganz deutlich, solche Leute sind für mich keine Genossen und ich schäme mich in der gleichen Partei zu sein. Mario Kühne Mitglied des LINKE-Ortsverbandes Falkenstein-Harz Mitglied des Vorstandes im LINKE-Kreisverband Harz Erster Sprecher der Landesarbeitsgemeinschaft Antikapitalistische Linke Sachsen-Anhalt Mitglied im BundessprecherInnenrat der Antikapitalistischen Linken

Die Mutmaßliche Armee Fraktion

Die Ausstellung »RAF - Terror im Südwesten« im Deutschen Historischen Museum in Berlin Die Stille statt des Schusses - sie empfängt die Besucher der neuen RAF-Ausstellung im Deutschen Historischen Museum in Berlin. Es hätte auch anders kommen können: Die Ausstellungsmacher hätten die Schau nämlich gerne »mit einem Knall begonnen«, wie Kuratorin Sabrina Müller zur Eröffnung sagte. Da ist es ausnahmsweise ein Glücksfall, dass die Audioaufnahme des tödlichen Polizeischusses auf Benno Ohnesorg den gleichen Weg wie zahllose Beweise in der Geschichte der Roten Armee Fraktion nahm: Sie ist spurlos verschwunden. Über die für das Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württemberg in Stuttgart konzipierte Ausstellung »RAF - Terror im Südwesten« ist bereits jetzt die Geschichte hinweggegangen. Sie eröffnet keine neuen Ebenen, sie findet keine Ansätze jenseits der seit den 70er Jahren wiederholten Erklärungsmuster. Der Version für die Hauptstadt wurde ein »Prolog« aus 17 Vitrinen mit »berlinspezifischen« Aspekten vorangestellt. Man ahnt, welch simple Formel hier erneut aufgemacht wird: Schah-Demo plus Ohnesorg-Mord plus Dutschke-Attentat ist gleich RAF. Illustriert wird das durch Bauarbeiter- oder Polizeihelme, die Lederjacke eines GSG-9-Beamten, ein (originales!) Wrackteil der zerfetzten Limousine des (nur höchst mutmaßlich) von der RAF ermordeten Siemens-Managers Karl-Heinz Beckurts, das (mutmaßliche, aber originale!) Motorrad der (mutmaßlichen) Mörder des Generalbundesanwalts Siegfried Buback, eine Polizei-Maschinenpistole, eine RAF-Panzerfaust. Eine solche Materialsammlung erinnert an Artefakte, wie sie Ausstellungen zum Altertum oder aktuell zu den Wikingern nutzen. Die Kuratoren der RAF-Ausstellung stellen die Terroristen dadurch aber ins Licht einer eher prähistorischen Episode. Andererseits kann man den Besuchern ja keine reine Textsammlung in die Vitrinen stellen. Daher hätten sich die Kuratoren wohl fragen müssen, ob es überhaupt möglich ist, zur RAF eine Ausstellung mit echtem Erkenntnisgewinn zu schaffen - und auch, warum das ohnehin reißerische Thema laut Paula Lutum-Lenger vom Haus der Geschichte Baden-Württemberg zusätzlich »inszeniert« werden muss, mit einer »emotionalen Raumerzählung« gar, für die die Wände in ein knalliges, blutiges Rot getaucht wurden. Und wenn überhaupt eine RAF-Ausstellung, warum gerade jetzt? Es gibt kein Jubiläum, keine neuen Taten und keinen Zeitgeist, der aktuell danach verlangen würde - auch wenn die Ausstellung ihr massenhaftes Publikum finden wird, denn das Thema ist und bleibt eben Pop. Als aktueller Aufhänger hätte die kürzliche Freigabe vieler Akten zum Baader-Meinhof-Komplex sowie die diesen Oktober neu aufgenommenen Ermittlungen zum Fall des 1977 ermordeten Siegfried Buback dienen können. Doch diese Akten wurden entweder nicht studiert, oder es steht dort nichts Substanzielles. Denn neue Fragen scheinen sie nicht aufgeworfen zu haben, und wenn doch, dann haben sie es nicht in die Ausstellung geschafft. Und so unternimmt die Ausstellung nicht einmal den Versuch, den eigenen Anspruch einzulösen - denn die Schau arbeitet nicht auf, wie sie ankündigt, sondern sie zementiert altbekannte Mythen. Etwa den, dass die »RAF die größte Herausforderung für die deutsche Justiz überhaupt« gewesen sei, wie die Initiatoren behaupten. Tatsächlich aber war die RAF niemals auch nur fünf Minuten eine Herausforderung für den deutschen Staat. Und »die Justiz« hat sich geradezu die Finger geleckt, angesichts der durch die Terroristen eröffneten Möglichkeiten der Gesetzesverschärfungen. Die RAF hat konsolidierend gewirkt. Sie wurde von den Reaktionären der »Bild«-Zeitung, des Bundeskriminalamts und des Verfassungsschutzes herbeigesehnt und mit offenen Armen empfangen. Sie war Steilvorlage, Rechtfertigung und der propagandistische Hebel, mit dem man die Studentenbewegung erfolgreich spalten konnte. Dass die RAF »spezifisch deutsch« gewesen sei, ist noch so eine unhaltbare These der Ausstellungsmacher. Sind ihnen die Vorgänge im Italien der 60er bis 90er Jahre nicht gegenwärtig? Und somit auch nicht die Parallelen zu dieser (aktenkundigen, von Gerichten und Parlamentsausschüssen belegten) geheimdienstlich und privatwirtschaftlich befeuerten »Strategie der Spannung«, der gezielten Förderung, Infiltration und Instrumentalisierung des »linken« Terrors? In der Ausstellung ist auch die Pistole ausgestellt, mit der ein bis heute unbekannter Maskierter bei der Befreiung Andreas Baaders 1970 ohne Not und Vorwarnung auf einen Wachmann schoss. Doch die Pistole wirkt hier nicht als offene Frage nach Funktion und Identität dieses der V-Mann-Tätigkeit verdächtigten Schützen, sondern erscheint eher als ein weiteres Symbol für RAF-Gewalt. Dabei drängen die Fragen ganz aktuell, etwa durch die Prozess-Farce um die mutmaßliche Beteiligung Verena Beckers am Mord an Siegfried Buback. Becker werden schon lange Verbindungen zum Verfassungsschutz nachgesagt. Dazu schrieb etwa RAF-Chronist Wolfgang Kraushaar in der »taz«: »Jedenfalls wird bereits seit längerem von Prozessbeobachtern gemutmaßt, dass in diesem Verfahren der Staat die Angeklagte verteidigt. Das aber wäre eine Perversion des Rechtsstaats, wenn der Vertreter der Anklage insgeheim die Interessen der Angeklagten, in diesem Fall einer Exterroristin, vertritt.« Der Journalist Thomas Moser sprach in einem Kommentar sogar von einer »Symbiose zwischen Anklage und Angeklagter« sowie von »Strafvereitelung im Amt«. Hat also Buback-Sohn Michael recht, wenn er von einer »schützenden Hand« spricht, die sich über einige Terroristen gelegt habe? Niemand erwartet, dass ausgerechnet im Deutschen Historischen Museum »Verschwörungstheorien« à la Gerhard Wisnewskis »RAF-Phantom« unkritisch verbreitet werden. Niemand erwartet, dass dort klare Antworten auf all die Ungereimtheiten der RAF-Historie gegeben werden. Es gibt aber mittlerweile vielfachen begründeten Anfangsverdacht und zahlreiche Indizien, die Fragen nach einer Förderung, Infiltration und Instrumentalisierung des deutschen Terrorismus (ähnlich der bewiesenen Praxis in Italien) rechtfertigen. Oder auch nach den gruseligen Parallelen zur Geheimdienstverstrickung mit dem NSU, die Kraushaar in der Zeitschrift »Cicero« zur provokanten Frage inspirierte, ob Verena Becker »die Beate Zschäpe von links« sei. Wie gesagt: Niemand erwartet Antworten. Doch all diese Fragen nicht zu stellen, ist fast schon Beihilfe zur Vertuschung. Das erhellendste Exponat ist ein 45-minütiges Interview, das Günter Gaus mit Christian Klar führte. Die Kuratoren bedauerten gar ausdrücklich, dass sie dieses (nur in seiner Gänze sinnvolle) Dokument nicht zerschneiden durften - die hartnäckigen Angehörigen hatten einer Verstümmelung zum Glück nicht zugestimmt. Ob allerdings eine Ausstellung der richtige Ort für die Präsentation und den Konsum eines langen Interviews ist, darf bezweifelt werden. Das gleiche gilt für die ausgestellten Textdokumente. Die RAF-Pamphlete sind stilistisch und inhaltlich schon schwer erträglich. Wer also liest sich tatsächlich - vor einer Vitrine stehend - drei eng bedruckte Schreibmaschinenseiten mit selbstverliebtem Soziologen-Jargon durch? Man muss mit den Kuratoren aber auch nicht zu hart ins Gericht gehen. Die Schau bietet genau jenen Kurzabriss, jenen verengten, schlagwortartigen Blick auf »den Terror« und den »deutschen Herbst« wie zahllose halbstündige TV-Reportagen auch. Die allerdings kann man sich erheblich komfortabler auf dem heimischen Sofa ansehen. Bis 8. März 2015, Deutsches Historisches Museum Berlin

CDU vergleicht Rot-Rot-Grün mit Maos langem Marsch

Mohring warnt: Hat »dem Volk große Verluste gebracht« / Linkenchef Riexinger: »Der Mann ist doch vollständig gaga« Berlin. Der Fraktionschef der Thüringer CDU im Landtag, Mike Mohring, hat die rot-rot-grüne Koalition mit der Entwicklung im China zur Zeit von Maos Aufstieg verglichen. Die »Leipziger Volkszeitung« zitiert den Unionspolitiker mit den Worten, »in Thüringen beginnt der lange Marsch der Linken auf das Kanzleramt in Berlin«. Mohring habe laut der Zeitung bewusst auf das bittere Ende jener Entwicklung in China angesprochen, »die mythisch stark verklärt war, aber dem Volk große Verluste gebracht« habe. Als langer Marsch wird historisch ein verlustreicher militärischer Rückzug der Streitkräfte der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas in den Jahren 1934 und 1935 bezeichnet. 1967 rief in Anlehnung an den langen Marsch in China der Studentenführer Rudi Dutschke den »Marsch durch die Institutionen« aus, mit dem sich die Studentenbewegung unter anderem auf andere gesellschaftliche Bereiche ausbreiten wollte. »Die Permanenzrevolutionäre können immer wieder hinausgeworfen werden, immer wieder in neue Institutionen eindringen«, so Dutschke damals. Dies war allerdings eher auf Zerstörung von Instituionen ausgerichtet, heute wird der »Marsch durch die Institutionen« als Strategie der Erringung von Macht verstanden. Der Vorsitzende der Linkspartei, Bernd Riexinger, reagierte mit Kopfschütteln auf die Äußerung Mohrings. Ob der CDU-Fraktionschef Rot-Rot-Grün in Thüringen wirklich »mit der chinesischen Revolution verglichen« habe, fragte Riexinger am Freitagmorgen auf Twitter und erklärte: »Der Mann ist doch vollständig gaga.« nd/mit Agenturen

DeVloek (Piratenbar) in denHaag soll geräumt werden!

Die Stadtverwaltung von Den Haag will am 5.Januar 2015 das soziale Zentrum de Vloek räumen, um Platz zu schaffen für ein Segelzentrum. Es gibt bereits genügend Raum für Segelsport im Hafen.dennoch soll De Vloek jetzt Platz machen für das allerneueste prestigeobjekt, auf das niemand wirklich wartet. De Vloek wurde 12 1/2 besetzt und ist seitdem zu einen unverzichtbaren Ort im hafen von Scheveningen geworden, an dem sich allerlei non-profit Initiativen entwickelt haben, De Vvloek bietet raum für das biologische, vegane Restaurant "Water en Brood" (Wasser und Broot), Konzertsaal "Piratenbar", Werkstätten, Proberäume für Bands, Wohnraum und Ateliers. All dies wurde ohne jegliche Zuschüsse geschaffen und in Eigenverantwortung unterhalten, jede Woche kommen deswegen hunderte Menschen Zu De Vloek. Ein neues Segelzentrum ist sovielste Prestigeobjekt für Immobilien worauf keiner drauf gewartet hat. Seit Jahren versucht die Stadtverwaltung den Hafen in ein Vergnügungsparadies für Segler und Yuppies zu verwandeln. Viele Geschäfte wie z.B. Schiffswerften, die den Hafen zu dem machten was er war, mussten Platz machen für teure Wohnungen, Büroräume und ein Nautisches Zentrum, wo kein einziger Scheveninger sich zuhause fühlt. Zur zeit ist das Nautische Zentrum gegenüber De Vloek untergebracht, das Nautische Zentrum was speziell für den Segelsport gebaut worden ist, wurde 2006 eingeweiht, steht aber seit Jahren größtenteils leer. Viele andere Gebäude (teure yuppiewohnungen mit blick aufs meer/haafen) im selben Gebiet sind ebenfalls unbewohnt bzw. ungenutzt. Raum für Seegelsport ist also genügend vorhanden. noch mehr Neubau ist unsinnig und bedeutet höchstwahrscheinlich, das DeVloek verschwindet für noch mehr Leerstand. Anstatt die Bedeutung und Wichtigkeit von De Vloek anzuerkennen, ist die Stadt ledeglich am Geld interessiert, welches das Grunstück wert ist. Wir finden das die Stadt sich beschäftigen sollte mit dem was die Menschen wichtig finden und dem was gut ist für die Stadt als Ganzes. Außer Segelsport sollte in diesem Teil des Hafens von Scheveningen auch Platz sein für eine Initative wie De Vloek. für tausende Menschen ist De Vloek ein wichtiger und unverzichtbarer Raum. Um die anstehende Räumung zu verhindern, wird zu einer Demonstration am 06.12.14 aufgerufen, devloek.nl Und ein großes Aktionswochenende vor dem Räumungstermin wird auch angekündigt 26.-28.12.14. An alle Piraten...

Nazigedenken in Ludwigshafen-Rheingönheim stark gestört

Für den 16.11.14 hatte die Nazi-Partei "Der III. Weg" wie die Jahre zuvor eine Kundgebung am "Gedenkstein für die gefallenen Wehrmachtssoldaten im Rheinwiesenlager" in Ludwigshafen-Rheingönheim angemeldet. Nachdem sie bereits ein Tag davor in Wunsiedel zum "Heldengedenken" aufmarschiert waren, wollten sie in Ludwigshafen ebenfalls am Gedenkstein ihre geschichtsrevisionistische Propaganda verbreiten. Hier stoßen sie jedoch auf breiten antifaschistischen Widerstand. Der DGB Vorder-/Südpfalz und das "Netzwerk gegen rechte Gewalt und Rassismus in Ludwigshafen" hatten im Vorfeld zu einer antifaschistischen Mahnwache am Gedenkstein selbst aufgerufen. Die Stadtverwaltung Ludwigshafen hatte jedoch im Gegensatz zu den Jahren zuvor, eine Kundgebung am Gedenkstein kurzfristig verboten, sodass die antifaschistische Kundgebung mit Polizeiabsperrband am Seitenrand der Landstraße K7 stattfinden musste. Aufgrund des intransparenten Informationsflusses seitens der Stadtverwaltung mussten AntifaschistInnen davon ausgehen, dass der Gedenkstein dieses Mal für das Nazigedenken freigehalten würde. Daraufhin beschlossen angereiste AntifaschistInnen eine antifaschistische Spontandemonstration von der Straßenbahnhaltestelle Friedensstraße durch ein Wohngebiet zum Gedenkstein durchzuführen. Während der Demonstration wurden die ahnungslosen und sichtlich überraschten AnwohnerInnen über die bevorstehende Naziveranstaltung durch lautstarke Parolen und persönlichen Gesprächen aufmerksam gemacht. Angekommen an der antifaschistischen Kundgebung lief der antifaschistische Block in Richtung Gedenkstein um diesen im Anschluss erfolgreich zu besetzen. Die Polizei versuchte dies zu unterbinden, scheiterte jedoch kläglich an der Entschlossenheit der AntifaschistInnen. Am Gedenkstein selbst wurden die Kränze sämtlicher "deutscher Kriegsopfer- und Trauerverbände" zerstört. Weitere Versuche der Polizei durch Einschüchterung und Drohungen die solidarischen AntifaschistInnen vom Gedenkstein zu entfernen konnten keine Wirkung erzielen. Nachdem im Laufe des Tages die Ordnungsbehörde die Information bekannt gab, dass die Nazis einen Verbot für den Gedenkstein erhalten haben und der Parteivorsitzende Klaus Armstroff Klage gegen diesen Verbot eingereicht hat, bewegten sich die AntifaschistInnen in Richtung Brückweg, wo die Ausweichkundgebung der Nazis genehmigt wurde. Dort wurde eine antifaschistische Blockade errichtet, sodass die Nazis noch weiter weggedrängt wurden und ihre Trauerveranstaltung in einer Seitengasse abgesperrt von GegendemonstrantInnen und Polizei-Kastenwägen durchführen mussten. Die Polizei hat sich hierbei ausschließlich auf den friedlichen antifaschistischen Protest konzentriert und war mit der 11. und 13. Einsatzhundertschaft aus Enkenbach-Alsenborn jederzeit bereit die Blockade anzugreifen. Einzelne AntifaschistInnen wurden von Kommunikationspolizisten mehrfach genötigt und aufgefordert, dass sie "doch endlich die Verantwortung für die Versammlung aufnehmen sollen". Zudem kam es zu einer Personenkontrolle mit erkennungsdienstlicher Behandlung. Wir bewerten den Tag als einen Teilerfolg, da die Nazis dennoch vom S-Bahnhof bis zum Brückweg auflaufen konnten und die antifaschistische Beteiligung weiterhin schwach war. Dennoch war der antifaschistische Protest, im Vergleich zu den letzten Jahren, am stärksten. Die kraftvolle Spontandemonstration, die solidarische Besetzung des Gedenksteins und die entschlossene Blockade haben gezeigt, dass antifaschistischer Widerstand in Ludwigshafen keine "Utopie" ist, sondern realistisch und effektiv umsetzbar. Dies wäre jedoch ohne die engagierten solidarischen AktivistInnen nicht möglich gewesen. Deshalb braucht es in der Zukunft eine starke lokale antifaschistische Initiative und Organisierung. Beteiligt euch am Offenen Antifaschistischen Treffen (jeden ersten Mittwoch, 19 Uhr, JUZ Mannheim) um in der Zukunft noch stärker gegen Nazis auftreten zu können und ihre Aktivitäten in Ludwigshafen und anderswo ein für alle mal zu beenden! Gegen Geschichtsrevisionismus! Den antifaschistischen Widerstand organisieren! Die Antifaschistische Aktion aufbauen! Antifaschistische Jugend Ludwigshafen/Mannheim

О классовой точке зрения

Опубликовано 24.02.2013 автором work Раз мы живем в классовом обществе и интересы наших основных общественных классов – буржуазии и пролетариата полностью противоположны, то в таком обществе не может быть никакой межклассовой (якобы, объективной) точки зрения. Даже если смотреть на события в таком обществе не как их участник, а со стороны, то все равно невозможно не принять какой-то одной точки зрения, соответствующей позиции одной из двух противоборствующих сторон. Межклассовая точка зрения в классовом обществе это сродни попытки сидеть между двух стульев – неизбежно окажешься на полу, упав с обоих. Как, например, можно понять кто прав, а кто виноват, если пытаться оценивать поступки волка и овцы? Ведь каждый из них прав, но со своей стороны. Волк хочет кушать, поэтому он убивает овцу. Он не может ее не убивать, ведь иначе он сам умрет от голода. А овца хочет жить и не хочет быть съеденной волком. И у каждого из них своя правда. Точно так же и нашем классовом капиталистическом обществе, когда между собой сталкиваются интересы двух основных общественных классов. Капиталист не может не эксплуатировать рабочего и не присваивать его труд, ведь перестав это делать, он умрет как капиталист. Капиталисту также не хочется быть съеденным другими капиталистами, поэтому он вынужден богатеть все больше и больше, становиться все сильнее, чтобы выдерживать конкуренцию с другими капиталистами, а для этого ему необходимо все больше и больше эксплуатировать и притеснять работника. Работник же в свою очередь совсем не хочет подвергаться эксплуатации и притеснениям, он хочет тоже жить как человек – в душевном спокойствии и материальном достатке. Но чтобы обеспечить себе более-менее сносную жизнь, он вынужден постоянно бороться с капиталистом за свои права, хоть в какой-то степени ограничивая его притеснения. Так кто же из них прав? Правы оба, только смотрят они на одно и то же с позиций разных классов. Это и есть разные классовые точки зрения – точка зрения буржуазии и точка зрения пролетариата. Почему важно понимать, что существуют разные классовые точки зрения? Да хотя бы потому, чтобы понимать сущность того, что происходит в стране и в мире, и как это происходящее может отразиться на тебе самом. Вот, к примеру, принимает наше правительство новый закон. Официальные СМИ этот закон нахваливают, чиновники тоже с пеной у рта доказывают нам, какой хороший закон был принят и как теперь здорово заживет наша страна. А как мы должны думать? Верить им или нет? Очень просто – вспомнить для начала, что мы живем в классовом обществе и у власти в нашей стране сейчас класс буржуазии, что это для нее пишутся все законы, которые потом и заставляет всех исполнять наше государство. Новый закон хорош для буржуазии, потому она и ее слуги — журналисты и политологи нахваливают его, ведь от этого закона буржуазия станет только богаче. Но хорош ли этот закон для нас? Мы к буржуазии не относимся, фабрик-заводов, газет-пароходов в собственности не имеем, живем только на одну зарплату. Как этот новый закон касается нас и таких как мы? Придется ли нам теперь платить что-то еще дополнительно из собственного кармана или нет? И только ответив на эти вопросы, т.е. встав на классовую точку зрения наемных работников – ту, которая отражает и наши коренные интересы, мы и поймем истинный смысл и суть принятого закона, поймем те последствия, которые он влечет за собой, и как эти последствия отразятся на нашей шее. Точно также следует оценивать и исторические события, особенно когда речь идет о событиях 20 века, которые до сих пор вызывают много споров среди трудящихся нашей страны, забывших о своей классовой точке зрения. Любая эмоциональная оценка «хорошо» или «плохо» всегда есть оценка классовая. И прежде чем соглашаться с ней, поддерживая того или иного автора, хорошенько подумайте, с позиций какого класса он выступает. Это и откроет вам истинную суть того, что сам автор зачастую скрывает. И тогда за нос вас никто водить уже не сможет. Вот, к примеру, ругает автор какой-нибудь статьи большевиков, понося их на разные лады – и кровавые, мол, они, и народ российский поубивали миллионами, и великую страну уничтожили, и лучших людей за границу выслали. И подает этот автор свою точку зрения как исключительно объективную. На самом же деле в его позиции нет никакой объективности – он твердо стоит на точке зрения помещиков и буржуазии, т.е. класса эксплуататоров, к которому в России того времени относилось не более 1,5% населения. Большевики же, напротив, четко и ясно отражали интересы угнетенных и эксплуатируемых классов – российского крестьянства, рабочего класса и других слоев трудящегося населения. Первые декреты большевиков, принятые в ту же ночь, когда победило Октябрьское вооруженное восстание в Петрограде (в ночь с 25 на 26 октября 1917 года) были «Декрет о земле» и «Декрет о мире». «Декрет о земле» дал, наконец, российским крестьянам землю, отобрав ее у помещиков и аристократов, которую крестьяне добивались с середины 19 века. Заметим, что крестьянство тогда составляло более 80% населения страны. «Декрет о мире», которые вообще ждала вся трудовая страна, вконец измученная многолетней бессмысленной бойней, положил конец империалистической войне, в которой Россия воевала за интересы буржуазии Англии и Франции. Почти 5 миллионов своих граждан потеряла Россия в этой войне![1] И ради чего? Ради процветания английской и французской буржуазии? Ради их прибылей умирали наши люди? И после этого именно большевики «кровавые» и «плохие», а не те, кто безжалостно гнал российский народ умирать за чужие прибыли? Совершенно очевидно, что утверждать такое может только тот, кто ненавидит свой народ, кто презирает трудящихся, наемных работников и вовсю угодничает перед нынешней российской буржуазией, защищая ее право паразитов паразитировать на миллионах тружеников, обирать их и угнетать. Открыто заявлять подобное такие люди могут только потому, что сегодня в нашей стране у власти те же самые буржуи, которых в октябре 1917 года прогнал прочь трудовой народ под руководством большевиков. И этим буржуям выгодно выставить большевиков в негативном свете, дабы сегодняшний российский народ не вздумал мечтать о свободе, не понял, что прийти к ней можно только тем же самым путем, которым вели российских трудящихся 100 лет назад большевики. Без четкой классовой точки зрения, без понимания того, чьи интересы тебе дороже – трудового народа или его эксплуататоров, невозможно ни понять историю нашей страны, ни разобраться в происходящем сегодня. Г.Гагина Коммунистическое рабочее движение «Рабочий Путь» [1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I_casualties http://work-way.com/o-klassovoj-tochke-zreniya/

Über den Klassenstandpunkt

G. Gagina Quelle: Die kommunistische Arbeiterbewegung „Der Arbeitsweg„ (Рабочий путь) Übersetzung: Florian Geißler, Jena Wir leben nun mal in einer Klassengesellschaft, und die Interessen unserer gesellschaftlichen Hauptklassen – der Bourgeoisie und des Proletariats – sind einander völlig entgegengesetzt. Somit kann es auch in einer solchen Gesellschaft keinen (angeblich objektiven) Standpunkt geben, der zwischen beiden liegt. Selbst wenn man die Ereignisse in einer solchen Gesellschaft nicht als ihr Teilnehmer, sondern lediglich als Außenstehender betrachtet, so ist es doch unmöglich, nicht irgendeinen Standpunkt, nicht eine Position einer der beiden, einander bekämpfenden Seiten einzunehmen. Ein Standpunkt zwischen den Klassen in einer Klassengesellschaft gleicht dem Versuch, sich zwischen zwei Stühle zu setzen – unvermeidlich wird man dabei auf den Fußboden fallen. Wie kann man beispielsweise verstehen, wer schuldig ist, wenn man versucht die Taten eines Wolfes mit denen eines Schafes zu vergleichen? Wo doch jeder von beiden im Recht ist, jeweils aus seiner eigenen Sicht. Der Wolf will fressen, deshalb tötet er das Schaf. Er muß es töten, sonst würde er selbst verhungen. Und das Schaf will leben und nicht vom Wolf gefressen werden. Ein jeder hat seine eigene Wahrheit. Die Klasseninteressen Genauso geht es in unserer kapitalistischen Klassengesellschaft zu, wo die Interessen zweier gesellschaftlicher Hauptklassen aufeinanderstoßen. Der Kapitalist muß den Arbeiter ausbeuten, um seine Stellung nicht zu verlieren. Denn wenn er damit aufgehört, wird er als Kapitalist zugrunde gehen. Ein Kapitalist will auch nicht von anderen Kapitalisten aufgefressen werden, deshalb ist er gezwungen, sich immer mehr zu bereichern, und immer stärker zu werden, um der Konkurrenz durch andere Kapitalisten zu widerstehen. Und dazu ist notwendig die Arbeiter immer mehr auszubeuten und zu unterdrücken. Der Arbeiter seinerseits will sich nicht ständig ausbeuten und unterdrücken lassen, er will als der Mensch behandelt und in Ruhe gelassen werden, und auch er will in materiellem Wohlstand leben. Aber um sich ein mehr oder weniger befriedigendes Leben zu leisten, ist er ständig gezwungen, gegen den Kapitalisten und für seine Rechte zu kämpfen, obwohl das durch die Unterdrückung bis zu einem gewissem Grade nur einschränkt möglich ist. Wer von beiden ist hier nun im Recht? Beide sind im Recht, sie sehen nur ein und dasselbe von verschiedenen Klassenpositionen aus. Es sind eben unterschiedliche Klassenstandpunkte – der Standpunkt der Bourgeoisie und der Standpunkt des Proletariats. Warum ist es wichtig, zu verstehen, daß verschiedene Klassenstandpunkte existieren? Wenn man das Wesen der Sache verstehen will, wenn man verstehen will, was im Land und in der Welt geschieht, so wird doch dieses Geschehen von einem selbst widergespiegelt. Da wird beispielsweise von der Regierung ein neues Gesetz erlassen. Die offiziellen Massenmedien loben dieses Gesetz, und auch die Beamten beweisen uns mit Schaum vorm Mund, was für ein gutes Gesetz jetzt herausgekommen ist und welchen prima Nutzen es für unser Land hat. Doch wie sollen wir darüber denken? Sollen wir Ihnen glauben oder nicht? Es ist sehr einfach sich fürs erste daran zu erinnern, daß wir in einer Klassengesellschaft leben, bei der in unserem Land jetzt die Klasse der Bourgeoisie die Macht besitzt, daß alle Gesetze für sie geschrieben werden, und daß der Staat uns später alle zwingen wird, diese Gesetze einzuhalten. Das neue Gesetz ist für die Bourgeoisie gut, wenn sie und ihre Lakaien, die Journalisten und Politikwissenschaftler es loben, denn durch dieses Gesetz wird die Bourgeoisie immer reicher werden. Ist dieses Gesetz nun für uns gut? Wir haben zur Bourgeoisie keine Beziehung, auch nicht zu den Fabriken und Betrieben, zu den Zeitungen und Druckereien, und nicht zu deren Eigentum, wir leben nur vom Lohn. Wie betrifft nun dieses neue Gesetz uns und unseresgleichen? Müssen wir noch zusätzlich etwas aus der eigenen Tasche zahlen oder nicht? Je nachdem, wie man diese Frage beantwortet, d.h. ob man auf dem Klassenstandpunkt der Lohnarbeiter steht, und was auch unsere Grundinteressen widerspiegelt, werden wir auch den wahren Sinn und das Wesen eines erlassenen Gesetzes verstehen, werden wir dessen Folgen verstehen, und welche Konsequenzen es für uns persönlich hat. Die Bewertung der historischen Ereignisse Genauso ist nötig es auch, die historischen Ereignisse richtig zu bewerten, vor allem, wenn es um die Ereignisse des 20. Jahrhunderte geht, die viel Streit unter die Werktätigen unseres Landes gebracht haben, weil sie bislang vergessen hatten, sich über den Klassenstandpunkt Gedanken zu machen. Jede beliebige emotionale Einschätzung, ob etwas „gut“ oder „schlecht“ ist, hängt immer davon ab, welchen Klassenstandpunkt man einnimt. Und bevor wir irgend jemandem zustimmen, oder diesen oder jenen Autor unterstützen, sollten wir immer sehr genau darüber nachdenken, welchen Klassenstandpunkt er vertritt. Das wird uns helfen, das wahre Wesen zu erkennen, das der Autor oft verbirgt. Und dann kann uns niemand mehr an der Nase herumführen. Da kritisiert beipsielsweise ein Autor irgendeinen kommunistischen Artikel, zieht dagegen auf verschiedene Weise zu Felde, indem erbehauptet, die Bolschewiki hätten angeblich das russische Volk blutig unterdrückt, Millionen umgebracht, das große Land zerstört und die besten Menschen ins Ausland vertrieben. Und dieser Autor behauptet, sein Standpunkt sei außerordentlich objektiv. Doch gibt es in Wirklichkeit an seiner Position nichts Objektives – er steht fest auf dem Standpunkt der Gutsbesitzer und der Bourgeoisie, d.h. der Ausbeuterklasse, zu der in Rußland zu jener Zeit nicht mehr 1,5 % der Bevölkerung gehörten. Die Bolschewiki hingegen vertraten hingegen eindeutig die Interessen der unterdrückten und ausgebauteten Klassen – der russischen Bauernschaft, der Arbeiterklasse und anderer Schichten der arbeitenden Bevölkerung. Was taten die Bolschewiki? Die ersten Dekrete der Bolschewiki, die bereits in derselben Nacht erlassen wurden, als der bewaffnete Oktoberaufstand in Petrograd gesiegt hatte (nämlich in der Nacht vom 25. zum 26. Oktober 1917), waren das „Dekret über den Boden“ und das „Dekret über den Frieden“. Das „Dekret über den Boden“ gab endlich den russischen Bauern das Land, welches bei den Gutsbesitzern und den Aristokraten enteignet wurde, was die Bauern seit Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts anstrebten. Man muß hinzufügen, daß die Bauernschaft mehr 80 % der Bevölkerungen des Landes ausmachte. Das „Dekret über den Frieden“, worauf überhaupt die ganze werktätige Bevölkerung gewartet hatte, die von einem jahrelangen sinnlosen Morden erschöpft war, machte dem imperialistischen Krieg ein Ende, in dem Russland für die Interessen der Bourgeoisie Englands und Frankreichs kämpfte. Durch diesen Krieg hatte Rußland fast 5 Millionen Bürger verloren! Und wofür? Für das Wachstum der englischen und französischen Bourgeoisie! Für deren Gewinne starben unsere Menschen! Sind demnach nun die Bolschewiki „blutig“ und „schlecht“, oder jene, die das russische Volk unbarmherzig dorthin trieben, für fremde Gewinne zu sterben? Es ist völlig offensichtlich, daß nur diejenigen, wie eben jener Autor, so etwas behaupten können, die das Volk hassen, die die Werktätigen und die Lohnarbeiter verachten, welche die jetzige russischer Bourgeoisie mit aller Macht unterdrückt, und die das Recht dieser Parasiten schützen, die auf Kosten von Millionen Werktätigen leben, sie ausplündern und versklaven. Nur solche Menschen können das öffentlich erklären, weil heute in unserem Land die gleichen Kapitalisten an der Macht sind, die das arbeitende Volk unter Führung der Bolschewiki im Oktober 1917 fortgejagt hat. Für diese Kapitalisten ist es vorteilhaft, die Bolschewiki in einem negativen Licht darzustellen, damit hat das heutige russische Volk nicht erst beginnt, von der Freiheit zu träumen, damit es nicht begreift, wie dazu kam, und damit es nicht denselben Weg geht, auf den die Bolschewiki vor hundert 100 Jahren das werktätige Volk führten. Und nun, lieber Leser, entscheide dich: Ohne einen klaren Klassenstandpunkt, und ohne das Verständnis, welche Interessen dir wichtig sind – die des werktätigen Volkes, oder die seiner Ausbeuter, wird es dir weder möglich sein, die Geschichte unseres Landes zu verstehen, noch sich in der Gegenwart zurechtzufinden. G. Gagina

Ho Chi Minh: The Imperialist Aggressors Can Never Enslave The Heroic Vietnamese People

I avail myself of the short New Year holiday to write these lines. More fortunate than other peoples, we, the Vietnamese people, like our friends, the Chinese and the Korean peoples, enjoy two New Year festivals every year. One New Year Day is celebrated according to the Gregorian calendar and falls on the First of January. On that day, which is the official New Year Day, only government offices send greetings to one another. Another New Year Day, the Tet, is observed according to the lunar calendar, and, this year, falls on a day of the closing week of January. This traditional New Year Day, celebrated by the people, usually lasts from three to seven days in peacetime. In our country Spring begins in the first days of January. At present, a splendid springtime prevails everywhere. The radiant sunbeams bring with them a merry and healthy life. Like an immense green carpet, the yoang rice plants cover the fields, heralding a coming bumper harvest. The birds warble merrily in evergreen bushes. Here winter lasts only a few days and rarely the thermometer falls to 10°c above zero. As far as snow is concerned, generally speaking, it is unknown for all our people. Before during the Tet festival, pictures and greetings written on red paper could be seen stuck at entrance doors of palaces as well as tiny thatched huts. Today these greetings and pictures are replaced by slogans urging struggle and labour, such as “Intensify the emulation movement for armed struggle, production and economic development!”, “The war of Resistance will win!”, “Combat bureaucracy, corruption and waste!”, “The national construction will certainly be crowned with success”! During the Tet festival, people are clad in their most beautiful garments. In every family the most delicious foods are prepared. Religious services are performed in front of the ancestral altars. Visits are paid between kith and kin to exchange greetings. Grown-ups give gifts to children; civilians send presents to soldiers... In short, it can be said that this is a spring festival. Before telling you the situation of Viet Nam, may I send you and all our comrades my warmest greetings! COLLUSION BETWEEN THE AGGRESSORS Let us review Viet Nam’s situation in 1951. After their defeat in the China-Viet Nam border campaign in October 1950 - the greatest reverse they had ever suffered in the whole history of their colonial wars, which involved for them the loss of five provinces at one time - Cao Bang, Lang Son, Lao Cat, Thai Nguyen and Hoa Binh - the French colonialists began the year 1951 with the despatch of General de Lattre de Tassigny to Viet Nam. They resorted to total war. Their manoeuvre was to consolidate the Bao Dai puppet government, organise puppet troops and redouble spying activities. They set up no man’s lands of from 5 to 10 kilometres wide around areas under their control and strengthened the Red River delta by a network of 2,300 bunkers. They stepped up mopping-up operations in our rear, applied the policy of annihilation and wholesale destruction of our manpower and potential resources by killing our compatriots, devastating our countryside, burning our ricefields, etc... In a word, they followed the policy of “using Vietnamese to fight Vietnamese and nursing the war by means of warfare”. It is on orders and with the assistance of their masters, the American interventionists, that the French colonialists performed the above-mentioned deeds. Among the first Americans now living in Viet Nam (of course in areas under French control) there are a fairly noted spy, Donald Heat, ambassador accredited to the puppet government and a general, head of the U. S. military mission. In September 1951, de Lattre de Tassigny went to Washington to make his report and beg for aid. In October, General Collins, Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army, came to Viet Nam to inspect the French Expeditionary Corps and puppet troops. In order to show their American masters that U.S. aid is used in a worthwhile manner at present as well as in the future, in November, de Lattre de Tassigny attacked the chief town of Hoa Binh province. The result of this “shooting offensive” which the reactionary press in France and in the world commented on uproariously, was that the Viet Nam People’s Army held the overwhelming majority of enemy troops tightly between two prongs and annihilated them. But this did not prevent de Lattre de Tassigny and his henchmen from hullabalooing that they had carried the day! At the very beginning of the war, the Americans supplied France with money and armaments. To take an example, 85 percent of weapons, war materials and even canned food captured by our troops were labelled “made in U.S.A.”. This aid had been stepped up all the more rapidly since June 1950 when the U.S.A. began interfering in Korea. American aid to the French invaders consisted in airplanes, boats, trucks, military outfits, napalm bombs, etc. Meanwhile, the Americans compelled the French colonialists to step up the organisation of four divisions of puppet troops with each party footing half the bill. Of course, this collusion between the French and American aggressors and the puppet clique was fraught with contradictions and contentions. The French colonialists are now landed in a dilemma: either they receive U.S. aid and be then replaced by their American “allies”, or they receive nothing, and be then defeated by the Vietnamese people. To organise the puppet army by means of pressganging the youth in areas under their control would be tantamount to swallowing a bomb when one is hungry: a day will come when at last the bomb bursts inside. However not to organise the army on this basis would mean instantaneous death for the enemy because even the French strategists have to admit that the French Expeditionary Corps grows thinner and thinner and is on the verge of collapse. Furthermore, U.S. aid is paid for at a very high price. In the enemy held areas, French capitalism is swept aside by American capitalism. American concerns like the Petroleum Oil Corporation, the Caltex Oil Corporation, the Bethlem Steel Corporation, the Florid Phosphate Corporation and others, monopolise rubber, ores, and other natural resources of our country. U.S. goods swamp the market. The French reactionary press, especially Le Monde is compelled to acknowledge sadly that French capitalism is now giving way to U.S. capitalism. The U.S. interventionists have nurtured the French aggressors and the Vietnamese puppets, but the Vietnamese people do not let anybody delude and enslave them. People’s China is our close neighbour. Her brilliant example gives us a great impetus. Not long ago the Chinese people defeated the U.S. imperialists and won an historical victory. The execrated Chiang Kai-shek was swept from the Chinese mainland, though he is more cunning than the placeman Bao Dai. Can the U.S. interventionists, who were drummed out of China and are now suffering heavy defeats in Korea, conquer Viet Nam? Of course, not! ATROCIOUS CRIMES OF THE U. S. INTERVENTIONISTS Defeated on the battlefield, the French colonialists retaliated upon unarmed people and committed abominable crimes. Hereunder are a few examples: As everywhere in the enemy controlled areas, on October 15, 1951 at Ha Dong, the French soldiers raided the youths even in the streets and pressganged them into the puppet army. And there as everywhere, the people protested against such acts. Three young girls stood in a line across the street in front of the trucks packed with the captured youngsters to prevent them from being sent to concentration camps. These courageous acts were worthy of heroine Raymonde Dien’s1 The French colonialists revved the engines and, in a split second, our three young patriots were run over. In October 1951, the invaders staged a large-scale raid in Thai Binh province. They captured more than 16,000 people - most of whom were old people, women and children - and penned them in a foot-ball field surrounded by barbed wire and guarded by soldiers and dogs. For four days, the captives were exposed in the sun and rain, ankle-deep in mud. They received no food and no drinking water. Over 300 of them died of exhaustion and disease. The relatives and friends who brought food to the captives were roughly manhandled, and the food was thrown into the mud and trampled under foot. Mr. Phac, a surgeon of 70, who tried to save the victims’ lives was shot dead on the spot as also were a number of pregnant women. Incensed by these barbarous acts, the townsfolk staged. a strike and sought ways and means to help the internees. The determination of the population compelled the French colonialists to let the food in, but on order of Colonel Charton of the French Expeditionary Corps, it was declared a donation from the U.S.A. On October 38, 1951, Le Van Lam, 27, from Ha Coi, a puppet soldier who had been saved from drowning by an old fisherman at Do Son, said after he had come to: “On October 37, the French embarked me as well as one hundred other wounded men on board a steamer, saying they would send us to Saigon for medical attention. In the night, when the ship was in the offing, they threw us one by one into the water. Fortunately, I managed to snatch at a piece of floating wood and swam landward. I was unconscious when I was saved ”. Hereunder is the confession of Chaubert, a French captain captured at Tu Ky on November 35, 1951, “The French High Command gave us an order to destroy everything in order to transform this region into a desert”, he said. “This order was observed to the letter. Houses were burnt down. Animals and poultry were killed. Havoc was wrought to gardens and plants and trees hewn down. Ricefields and crops were set afire. Many days on end, black smoke covered the sky and there was not a single soul alive, except the French soldiers. The conflagration lasted until November 25, when the Viet Nam People’s Army unexpectedly attacked and annihilated our unit.” The examples quoted above can be counted by the thousands and are sufficient proof to substantiate the essence of the French colonialists’ and U.S. interventionists’ “civilisation”. ACHIEVEMENTS RECORDED BY THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF VIET NAM In 1951, the Vietnamese people made a big stride forward. In the political field, the founding of the Viet Nam Workers’ Party, the amalgamation of the Viet Minh and Lien Viet, the setting up of the Committee of action for Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos, greatly consolidated the unity and enhanced the confidence of the Vietnamese people; they strengthened the alliance between the three brother countries in their struggle against the common enemies - the French colonialists and U.S. interventionists - in order to realise their common goal, i.e. national independence. So we were able to frustrate the enemy’s policy of “Divide and rule”. In the economic field, the National Bank of Viet Nam has been established, our finance is placed under centralised and unified supervision, and communications have been re-organised. Formerly we demolished roads to check the enemy’s advance; at present we repair them to drive the enemy to an early defeat. Formerly we did our utmost to sabotage roads, now we encounter great difficulties in mending them, but have managed to complete our work quite rapidly. This is a hard job, especially when we lack machines. However, thanks to the enthusiasm and sacrificing spirit of our people, this work was carried through. To avoid enemy air raids, it was done at night by workers even knee deep in water. In the bright torch light, hundreds of men, women and young people dug the earth to fill the gaps in the roads, broke stones, felled trees and built bridges. As in any other work, here the workers’ enthusiasm was roused by emulation drives. I am sure that you would be astonished to see teams of old volunteers from 60 to 80 years competing with teams of young workers. Here it must be pointed out that in the free zone, most of the work is done at night - children go to school, housewives go to market and guerillas go to attack the enemy... Great successes have been achieved in the elaboration of the agricultural tax. Formerly the peasants were compelled to pay taxes of various kinds and make many other contributions; nowadays, they have only to pay a uniform tax in kind. Households whose production does not exceed 60 kilogrammes of paddy per year are exempt from tax. Households who harvest greater quantities have to pay a graduated tax. Generally speaking, the taxes to be paid do not exceed 20 per cent of the total value of the annual production. To collect taxes in time, the Party, the National United Front and the Government have mobilised a great number of cadres to examine the new tax from the political and technical points of view. After their study, these cadres go to the countryside and hold talks and meetings to exchange views with the peasants and explain to them the new taxation policy. After this preparatory period, the peasants of both sexes appoint a committee composed of representatives of the administration and various people’s organisations whose duty it is to estimate the production of each household and fix the rate to be paid after approval by a Congress in which all the peasants take part. This reform was welcomed by the population who enthusiastically took part in this tax collection. Agricultural tax has been established simultaneously with the movement for increased production. At present the Government possesses adequate stocks of foodstuffs to cater for the soldiers and workers. So we have thwarted the enemy’s cunning plot of blockading us to reduce us to starvation. As far as mass education is concerned, in 1951 we scored worthwhile results. Though great difficulties were created by the war, such as frequent changes of school site, schooling at night time, lack of school requisites, the number of schools rose from 2,712 in 1950 to 3,591 in 1951 with an attendance of 293,256 and 411,038 pupils respectively. In south Viet Nam the situation is all the more ticklish. There, the free zones exist everywhere, but they are not safe. Children go to their class-rooms - in fact there are only single class-rooms and not schools in the strict meaning of this word - with the same vigilance as their fathers and brothers display in guerilla fighting. Despite that, at present there are in south Viet Nam 3,332 classrooms attended by 111,700 pupils. The liquidation of illiteracy is actively undertaken. In the first half of 1951, there were in zone III, zone V and Viet Bac zone, 324,000 people who were freed from illiteracy and 350,000 others who began learning. During the same period illiteracy was wiped out in 53 villages and 3 districts (one district is composed of from 5 to 10 villages). People’s organisations opened 837 classes attended by 9,800 public employees. The Party, National United Front, Government, the General Confederation of Labour and the Army have periodically opened short-term political training courses (about one week). In short, great efforts are being made in mass education. DEVELOPMENT AND STRENGTHENING OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS In 1951, the relations between the Vietnamese people and foreign countries were developed and strengthened. For the first time, in 1951, various delegations of the Vietnamese people visited great People’s China and heroic Korea. Through these visits, the age-old friendship between our three countries has been strengthened. The delegation of the Vietnamese youth to the Youth Festival in Berlin, the delegation of the Viet Nam General Confederation of Labour to the Congress of the World Federation of Trade Unions in Warsaw and the delegation to the World Peace Conference in Vienna, have returned to Viet Nam, filled with confidence and enthusiasm. At various meetings and in the press, members of these delegations told the Vietnamese people the tremendous progress they had witnessed in the people’s democracies and the warm friendship shown by the brother countries to the Vietnamese people who are struggling for national independence and freedom. Those of the delegates who had the chance of visiting the Soviet Union are overjoyed because they can tell us of the great triumph of socialism and the evergrowing happiness enjoyed by the Soviet people. Upon returning from the Youth Festival, Truong Thi Xin, a young woman worker said, “The youth in the Soviet Union received us most affectionately during our stay in their great country.” The talks held by these delegates are living lessons most useful for the inculcation of internationalism. “Peace in Viet Nam!”, “Withdraw foreign troops from Viet Nam!”, were the claims formulated in a resolution passed by the plenary session of the World Peace Council held in Vienna, claims which have given great enthusiasm to the Vietnamese people. THE INTERVENTIONISTS SUFFER DEFEAT AFTER DEFEAT Last year was a year of brilliant victories for our People’s Army, and a year of heavy defeats and losses in men and materials for the invaders. According to incomplete figures and excluding the China-Viet Nam border campaign in October 1950, during which the French army lost more than 7,000 men (annihilated and captured) in 1951 the enemy lost 37,700 officers and men, (P. O. W.s included). He will never forget the Vinh Yen - Phuc Yen campaign (north Viet Nam) in January last year during which he received a deadly blow from the Viet Nam people’s Army. He will not forget the strategic points of Quang Yen (road No 18), Ninh Binh, Phu Ly and Nghia Lo in north Viet Nam where our valiant fighters crushed him to pieces in March, May, June and September. But the most striking battle was waged in December in the Hoa Binh region which left to the enemy no more than 8,000 men alive. Our heroic militiamen and guerillas who operate in the north, centre and south of Viet Nam have caused heavy losses to the enemy. From the outbreak of the war of aggression unleashed by the French, their Expeditionary Corps has lost 170,000 men (in killed, wounded and captured), while the Vietnamese regular army and guerilla units have grown stronger and stronger. Guerilla warfare is now being intensified and expanded in the enemy controlled areas, especially in the Red River delta. Our guerillas are particularly active in the provinces of Bac Giang, Bac Ninh, Ha Nam, Ninh Binh, Ha Dong, Hung Yen, and Thai Binh. Hereunder are some facts. Early in October 1951, 14 enemy regiments carried out a large scale raid in the districts of Duyen Ha, Hung Nhan, and Tien Hung. From October 1 to October 4, our guerillas waged violent battles. In three points (Cong Ho, An My and An Binh) 500 French soldiers were annihilated. All these victories were due to the heroism of our soldiers and guerillas and to the sacrifice of the entire Vietnamese people. In each campaign tens of thousands of voluntary workers of both sexes helped the armymen. As a rule they worked in very hard conditions, in pelting rain, on muddy and steep mountain tracks, etc. Thousands of patriots have left the enemy controlled areas to take part in the above-mentioned task. It is wortli mentioning here that the youth have set up many shock units. The following example will illustrate the great patriotism and initiative of our people: In the Hoa Binh campaign, our army had to cross the Lo river. French troops were stationed along the right bank, while their boats continually patrolled the river. In these conditions how could the crossing be made without the enemy noticing it? But the local population managed to find a way. In a locality some dozen kilometres from the Lo river, they called in a great number of craft and through roundabout paths, carried them to the spot assigned at scheduled time. As soon as our troops had crossed the river, the inhabitants carried their craft back so as to keep secrecy and avoid enemy air raids. Here I wish to speak of the women who sponsor the soldiers. Most of them are old peasants; many have grandchildren. They help our officers and men and nurse the wounded as if they were their own sons. Like “goddesses protecting our lives” they take care of those of our fighters who work in enemy controlled areas. Their deeds are highly esteemed and appreciated. As is said above, the French colonialists are compelled to set up puppet troops in order to offset the losses suffered by the French Expeditionary Corps. But this is a dangerous method for the enemy. First, everywhere in the enemy-held areas, the population struggles against the enemy raiding and coercing the youth into their army. Second, the people so mobilised have resorted to actions of sabotage. Take an example: Once, the Quisling governor of Tonking, styling himself “elder of the youth” paid a visit to the officers’ training school of second degree at Nam Dinh. On hearing this news, the cadets prepared in his honour a “dignified” reception by writing on the school wall the slogans “Down with Bao Dai!”, “Down with the puppet clique!”, while Bao Dai’s name was given to the lavatory. During this visit, the cadets made so much noise that the governor was unable to speak. They put to him such a question as, “Dear elder! Why do you want to use us as cannon fodder for the French colonialists?” A group of cadets contemplated giving him a thrashing, but, he managed to take French leave like a piteous dog. Many units of the puppet army secretly sent letters to President Ho Chi Minh, saying they were waiting for a propitious occasion to “pass over to the side of the Fatherland” and they were ready to “carry out any orders issued by the Resistance, despite the danger they might encounter.” COMPLETE FAILURE OF THE FRENCH COLONIALISTS As soon as de Lattre de Tassigny set foot in Viet Nam early in 1951, he boasted of the eventual victories of the French troops. After his defeat and disillusion at the beginning of 1952, he realised that he would soon meet with complete failure. The fate of the French colonialists’ policy brought misgivings to the most reactionary circles in France. In the paper Information issued on October 22, 1951, Daladier2 one of the ‘criminals’ in the Munich affair, wrote, “Delving into the real reason of our desperate financial situation, we shall see that one of the underlying causes was lack of ripe consideration of our policy over Indo-China... In 1951, an expenditure of as much as 330,000 million francs was officially reserved for the Indo- Chinese budget. Due to the constant rise in the prices of commodities and increase in the establishments of the French Expeditionary Corps which number 180,000 at present, it should be expected that in 1952 this expenditure will increase by 100,000 million francs. We have the impression that the war in Indo-China has caused exceedingly grave danger to our financial as well as military situation... It is impossible to foresee a rapid victory in a war which has lasted five years and is in many ways reminiscent of the war unleashed by Napoleon3 against Spain and the expedition against Mexico during the Second Empire. 4 In its issue of December 13, 1951, the paper Intransigeant wrote, “France is paralysed by the war in Indo-China. We have gradually lost the initiative of operation because our main forces are now pinned down in the plains of north Viet Nam... In 1951, 330,000 million francs were earmarked for the military budget of Indo-China, while according to the official figures, our expenditure amounted to over 350,000 million. A credit of 380,000 million francs will be allotted to the 1952 budget but in all probability the mark of 500,000 million will be reached. Such is the truth... Whenever France tried to take some action, well, she immediately realised that she was paralysed by the war in Indo-China.” In its number of December 16, 1951, Franc Tireur wrote, “General Vo Nguyen Giap’s battalions, which are said to have been annihilated and to have a shattered morale, are now launching counter-offensives in the Hanoi region... It is more and more obvious that the policy we have followed up to the present time, has failed. Today it is clear that it has met with complete failure.” Hereunder is an excerpt from a letter sent to his colleagues by captain Gazignoff, of the French Expeditionary Corps, captured by us on January 7, 1952 in the Hoa Binh battle. “Taken prisoner a few days ago, I am very astonished at the kind and correct attitude of the Viet Nam People’s army men towards me... The Vietnamese troops will certainly win final victory, because they struggle for a noble ideal, a common cause, and are swayed by a self-imposed discipline. It is as clear as daylight that the Viet Nam People’s Army will crush the French Expeditionary Corps, but it is ready to receive any of us who will pass over to its side. “French officers, non-commissioned officers and men who want to go over to the Viet Nam People’s Army will be considered as friends and will be set free.” THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE WILL WIN In 1952, Viet Nam will embark on a programme which includes the following points: - To buckle down to production work and consolidate the national economy, - To struggle and annihilate the enemy’s forces. To intensify guerilla warfare, - To expose by all means the enemy’s policy of “using the Vietnamese to fight the Vietnamese, and nursing the war by means of warfare.” - To closely link patriotism to internationalism, - Energetically to combat bureaucracy, corruption and waste. The patriotism and heroism of the Vietnamese people allow us to have firm confidence in final victory. *** The Vietnamese people’s future is as bright as the sun in spring. Overjoyed at the radiance of the sun in spring, we shall struggle for the splendid future of Viet Nam, for the future of democracy, world peace and socialism. We triumph at the present time, we shall triumph in the future, because our path is enlightened by the great Marxist-Leninist doctrine. 1. A French patriot. Raymonde Dien is member of the French Communist Party. On February 13, 1950, she lay across a railway track to prevent the movement of a train carrying armaments and tanks for the French colonialists to fight the Vietnamese people in Indo-Chlna. She was sentenced by a French reactionary court to one year imprisonment, but owing to pressure by public opinion and the struggle waged by the masses, the French government was compelled to release her in November 1950 before her sentence expired. 2. Daladier, born in 1884, was Chairman of the French Radical Socialist Party, Premier of the French Government in 1933 and 1934 and from 1938 to 1940. In September 1938 he attended the Munich conference and his surrender fo Hitler paved the way for the attack and occupation of France by the German fascists. 3. In 1808 Napoleon Bonaparte sent an expedition against Spain and was routed by the Spanish people. This campaign ended In 1812 in victory in favour of the Spaniards. 4. In 1861 France (of Napoleon III) Great Britain and Spain waged a coalition war against Mexico. In this campaign France also suffered a pitiful defeat.

Ho Chi Minh: The Path Which Led Me To Leninism

After World War I, I made my living in Paris, now as a retoucher at a photographer’s, now as painter of “Chinese antiquities” (made in France!). I would distribute leaflets denouncing the crimes committed by the French colonialists in Viet Nam. At that time, I supported the October Revolution only instinctively, not yet grasping all its historic importance. I loved and admired Lenin because he was a great patriot who liberated his compatriots; until then, I had read none of his books. The reason for my joining the French Socialist Party was that these “ladies and gentlemen” - as I called my comrades at that moment - has shown their sympathy towards me, towards the struggle of the oppressed peoples. But I understood neither what was a party, a trade-union, nor what was socialism nor communism. Heated discussions were then taking place in the branches of the Socialist Party, about the question whether the Socialist Party should remain in the Second International, should a Second and a half International be founded or should the Socialist Party join Lenin’s Third International? I attended the meetings regularly, twice or thrice a week and attentively listened to the discussion. First, I could not understand thoroughly. Why were the discussions so heated? Either with the Second, Second and a half or Third International, the revolution could be waged. What was the use of arguing then? As for the First International, what had become of it? What I wanted most to know - and this precisely was not debated in the meetings - was: which International sides with the peoples of colonial countries? I raised this question - the most important in my opinion - in a meeting. Some comrades answered: It is the Third, not the Second International. And a comrade gave me Lenin’s “Thesis on the national and colonial questions” published by l'Humanite to read. There were political terms difficult to understand in this thesis. But by dint of reading it again and again, finally I could grasp the main part of it. What emotion, enthusiasm, clear-sightedness and confidence it instilled into me! I was overjoyed to tears. Though sitting alone in my room, I shouted out aloud as if addressing large crowds: “Dear martyrs compatriots! This is what we need, this is the path to our liberation!” After then, I had entire confidence in Lenin, in the Third International. Formerly, during the meetings of the Party branch, I only listened to the discussion; I had a vague belief that all were logical, and could not differentiate as to who were right and who were wrong. But from then on, I also plunged into the debates and discussed with fervour. Though I was still lacking French words to express all my thoughts, I smashed the allegations attacking Lenin and the Third International with no less vigour. My only argument was: “If you do not condemn colonialism, if you do not side with the colonial people, what kind of revolution are you waging?” Not only did I take part in the meetings of my own Party branch, but I also went to other Party branches to lay down “my position”. Now I must tell again that Comrades Marcel Cachin, Vaillant Couturier, Monmousseau and many others helped me to broaden my knowledge. Finally, at the Tours Congress, I voted with them for our joining the Third International. At first, patriotism, not yet communism, led me to have confidence in Lenin, in the Third International. Step by step, along the struggle, by studying Marxism-Leninism parallel with participation in practical activities, I gradually came upon the fact that only socialism and communism can liberate the oppressed nations and the working people throughout the world from slavery. There is a legend, in our country as well as in China, on the miraculous “Book of the Wise”. When facing great difficulties, one opens it and finds a way out. Leninism is not only a miraculous “book of the wise”, a compass for us Vietnamese revolutionaries and people: it is also the radiant sun illuminating our path to final victory, to socialism and communism. http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/ho-chi-minh/works/1960/04/x01.htm

Georgi Dimitrov: The People's Front

1 The policy of the People's Front of struggle against fascism and war, proclaimed by the Seventh Congress of the Communist International, has aroused a mighty echo among the working masses of all countries. The practical realization of this policy in France and Spain has provided clear proof that the People's Front is actually possible and has enhanced its popularity. There is not a single country, at the present time, where the idea of the People's Front does not daily find more and more adherents among all those who cherish democracy and freedom, among all those who advocate peace among nations. The effort to form a People's Front is growing as well in countries where the bourgeois-democratic revolution has still by no means had its last say; in Japan, for instance, where the fascist-feudal military clique, with its rapacious military adventures on Chinese territory and on the frontiers of the great Soviet Union, is thrusting the Japanese people into an abyss of most terrible calamities. And it is growing also in the so-called classic countries of bourgeois democracy, in Great Britain, for instance, where the destinies of nations have been traditionally decided by the two parties of monopoly capital -- the Tory and the Liberal -- which, by their reactionary policy both nationally and internationally, pave the way for the burial of democracy and peace. The tremendous historical significance, the correctness and timeliness of the People's Front policy, are perhaps particularly clearly expressed in the attitude toward this policy shown by the enemies of the proletariat, the enemies of democracy and peace, the fascist war-incendiaries, and the reactionary forces throughout the world. The governments of capitalist countries, bourgeois parties, statesmen and politicians, bourgeois newspapers, have all become seriously alarmed by the decisions of the Congress. The reactionaries of all countries have raised an unparalleled campaign of slander and calumny against the Communist International and against all adherents of the People's Front. In fascist Germany they have even formed a special organization, called the "Anti-Comintern," to carry on propaganda on an international scale against the Communist International and to combat the policy of the People's Front. At the National-Socialist Congress in Nuremberg, Hitler, Goebbels and Rosenberg opened a particularly furious cannonade against the danger of the People's Front, which is menacing the fascist dictatorship, and against democracy in general. While directing the most vehement outbursts against the already existing People's Front in France and Spain, they at the same time thus expressed their alarm and fear of the People's Front movement which is taking shape in Germany itself. The Pope at Rome and their "graces" the bishops in different countries hastened with epistles and sermons, to shield their flock from that "frightful Bolshevik danger," the People's Front. The question of the People's Front is always in the columns of the press in the capitalist countries and is the subject of the most lively discussion. The workers' class enemy quickly sensed and understood what a tremendous danger the People's Front, the unity of all anti-fascist forces, constitutes for him. As long as the proletariat is disunited, as long as it is isolated from the other strata of toilers, the working people in town and country, as long as it has not established proper relationships and collaboration with the other democratic forces in the country, it is not so difficult, as the examples of Italy, Germany and Austria have shown, for the handful of financial and industrial magnates, for the fascist bourgeoisie, to crush the working class movement, to defeat the various strata of the people one by one, and destroy democracy. The fascists have successfully applied the well-known crafty motto -- "divide and rule." But when the scattered proletarian detachments, at the initiative of the Communists, join hands for the struggle against the common enemy, when the working class, marching as a unit, begins to act together with the peasantry, the lower middle classes and all democratic elements, on the basis of the People's Front program, then the offensive of the fascist bourgeoisie is confronted with an insurmountable barrier. A force arises which can offer determined resistance to fascism, prevent it from coming to power in countries of bourgeois democracy and overthrow its barbarous rule where it is already established. As the examples of France and Spain have shown, the establishment of the People's Front signifies a turning point in the relation of forces between the proletariat on the one hand, and the fascist bourgeoisie on the other; to the advantage of millions of the working masses. The People's Front makes it possible for the lower middle classes, the peasantry and the democratic intelligentsia, not only to resist the tutelage and oppression of the clique of finance capital, but also to rise up against it in defense of their vital interests and rights, relying for support on the militant collaboration of the working class nationally and on an international scale. The People's Front offers a way out of the situation which seemed so hopeless to the sections of the lower middle classes, who considered themselves doomed to submission to fascist domination. The People's Front helps the working class to avoid the political isolation toward which the bourgeoisie purposely impels it; it creates the most favorable conditions for the working class to accomplish its historic role, to head the struggle of their people against the small clique of financial magnates, big capitalists and landlords, to be in the vanguard in the uncompleted democratic revolution and in all movements for progress and culture. The class struggle between exploited and exploiters thus receives an immeasurably wider base and a mighty scope. While the split in the ranks of the working class, the absence of unity between them and the other strata of the working people, pave the way to power for fascism, the unity of the proletarian ranks and the formation of the People's Front ensure victory for democracy over fascism, defend peace against fascist incendiaries of war, and in the long run pave the way for the victory of labor over capital. It is difficult to imagine a higher degree of political shortsightedness and absurdity than to contrast the principles of the class struggle with the policy of the People's Front, as some of our overzealous critics "from the Left" do in regard to the decisions of the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. We frequently observe the characteristic phenomenon that not a few Left Socialists, who have become disillusioned with the Social-Democratic policy of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, and are moving away from reformism are frequently inclined to go to the other extreme and become the victims of sectarianism and Leftist excesses. They make the mistake of identifying the policy of the People's Front with the policy of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, and demand "a pure working-class policy," declaring that the joint struggle of the working class and the democratic sections of the lower middle classes, the peasantry and intelligentsia against fascism constitutes a retreat from the position of the class struggle. But this does not at all mean that the People's Front policy is identical with the policy of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie it only shows that we must patiently explain the class meaning of the People's Front policy to the sincere Left Socialists and help them to get rid of their own political shortsightedness, which can only play into the hands of fascism and reaction in general. 2 As was stated at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International, the People's Front will be formed in a different way in different countries, depending on the historical social and political peculiarities of each country and the concrete situation existing therein. To imitate' uncritically and transfer mechanically the methods and forms of the People's Front in one country to another can only complicate its formation, expansion and consolidation. However, as experience has shown, it is equally true for the majority of the capitalist countries, that: First, the formation of the People's Front is possible in the actual struggle today against fascism; Second the People's Front will be realized the more rapidly and the sections of the working masses joining it will be the greater, the more determinedly the working class itself acts as one unit, the more quickly its organizations, and in the first place the mass trade unions and the Communist and Social-Democratic Parties, bring about unity of action in the struggle against fascism; Third, the People's Front will spread and strengthen as its program for the defense of the interests of the working people, for the defense of democracy and peace against fascism and the fascist warmongers, is carried out; Fourth, the success of the People's Front is entirely dependent upon the extent to which its ranks are consolidated, and upon the extent to which the masses and organizations which take part in it have undergone political and organizational preparation so as to be ready promptly to repulse every blow aimed by fascism, without waiting for its general offensive. Today, when the Spanish people is engaged in a deadly struggle against the fascist rebels, when fascism is raising its head everywhere in the capitalist countries and, in the first place, in France, Czechoslovakia and Belgium, it is the supreme duty of the working class to hasten in every way the formation and consolidation of the People's Front by establishing united action nationally and on an international scale. It is the duty of Communists to do everything necessary, taking into consideration the conditions in their own countries, to help the working class to fulfill this its historic task. If we are briefly to formulate the most important, immediate tasks which the whole situation today places before the world proletariat, they may be reduced to the following: To exert every effort to help the Spanish people to crush the fascist rebels; Not to allow the People's Front in France to be discredited or disrupted; To hasten by every means the establishment of a world People's Front of struggle against fascism and war. All these tasks are closely linked. The most urgent, though, of these tasks, the very first at the present moment, is that of organizing international aid to the Spanish people for their victory over fascism. The course of development in all the capitalist countries in the near future will depend a great deal upon the outcome of the struggle of the Spanish people against the fascist brigands. The action undertaken by the fascists in Spain has shown once more that fascism is not only the bitterest enemy of the proletariat, the enemy of the Soviet Socialist Republics, but the enemy of every form of liberty, of every democratic country, even if its political and economic regime does not go beyond the bounds of bourgeois society. Fascism means the destruction of all the democratic rights won by the people, the establishment of a kingdom of darkness and ignorance and the destruction of culture; it means nonsensical race theories and the preaching of hatred of man for man, for the purpose of kindling wars of conquest. Death and destruction are being spread today in Spain by the rabble who form the Foreign Legion, by the duped Moroccan troops led by fascist generals, and by the ammunition and military units sent to Spain by the fascist rulers of Germany, Italy and Portugal. The combatants of the Republican army fighting at the walls of Madrid, in Catalonia, in the mountains of Asturias, all over the peninsula, are laying down their lives to defend not only the liberty and independence of Republican Spain, but also the democratic gains of all nations, and the cause of peace against the fascist war incendiaries. The special significance of the Spanish events consists in the fact that they have demonstrated the mighty power of united proletarian action, the power of the People's Front in the struggle against fascism. For it is now quite clear to everybody that if united action had not been achieved between the Communist, Socialist and Anarchist workers in Spain, if a broad fighting front of the Spanish people -- from the Communists to the Left Republicans -- had not been formed, the fascist generals would long ago have established their dictatorship. They would have wreaked bloody vengeance upon the workers and other toilers and upon all democratic elements all over the whole of Spanish territory. They would have doomed the country to an orgy of medieval reaction and inquisition, would have placed it under the heel of German and Italian fascism, would have handed over to them the most important strategic points in the Mediterranean, and have turned Spain into a military base for carrying out their robber war plans. But in Spain the fascist rebels and their inspirers from Berlin and Rome have encountered that force which is barring their way. They have encountered the armed resistance of the People's Front. The Spanish people by their heroic struggle are today demonstrating how democracy is to be defended against fascism. The victory of the Spanish people is the interest of all who do not want to suffer fascist barbarism in their country. The victory of the Spanish people will be the victory of the whole of world democracy, the victory of progress and culture over fascist reaction, the victory of the peace the People's Front in France and strike a heavy blow at fascism in all countries. The heroic struggle of the Spanish people serves as a striking and convincing warning to the fascist forces of darkness in those countries where they are feverishly preparing for fascist coups d'état, that the time has passed when fascism can make use of disunity in the ranks of the working class and other toilers, when it can catch the people unawares, when it can deceive the politically backward sections of the population and seize state power. It shows that where there are a firm People's Front and international solidarity of action among the working class, it will be impossible to establish fascist rule over a people prepared to defend their freedom and independence. Thus, the cause of democracy and peace in Europe, the struggle against fascism and war in all countries, is linked in a thousand ways with the interests of the People's Front in Spain, whose courageous fighters have taken up arms to defend the Republic and ensure the victory of the Spanish revolution. 3 Everything that has happened during the recent period, and primarily the lessons of the Spanish events, point to the fact that the time has come when we must defend democracy by every means, including the force of arms. These are the lessons that must be learned and well remembered by all workers and other toilers, by all those who do not want to become victims of fascist bondage and savage violence. It is not at all that the supporters of democracy and peace are in general advocates of armed struggle, but that fascism kindles the flames of civil war against the democratic regime of the country, brings about destruction and death, and compels the people to defend their lives, their freedom and independence by taking up arms. It must be understood that it is not a case now of some far distant menace of fascism, but that fascism, which has already set up its terroristic dictatorship in such big countries as Germany and Italy, and is seeking to do the same in Spain, is preparing to crush the working class movement and to destroy democracy in other countries, and that it kindles the flames of world imperialist war. The war undertaken by fascism against the Spanish people cannot be considered as a casual isolated act. No, this war is a link to the chain of the fascist offensive on the international arena. No illusions must be harbored that the war undertaken by fascism against the Spanish people will be the last of its kind. Fascism is preparing to strike at democracy in France, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, at the democracy of England, Switzerland, Scandinavia and other countries. Everywhere the fascist reactionaries are feverishly working, from within and without, to prepare, organize and, at a convenient moment, to carry out fascist rebellions and coups d'état. In order to prepare for a new imperialist war, to seize foreign territories and to subject other nations, in order to ensure the unbridled rule of the most reactionary, rapacious elements of finance capital and to Organize a crusade against the Soviet Union, fascism needs to smash the working class movement and destroy European democracy. All adherents of democracy must bear in mind that the fate of anti-fascist democracy in Europe is indissolubly bound up with the fate of the working class, with the establishment of the People's Front. Democracy will inevitably perish under the blows of the fascist offensive, if it does not rely for support on the working class and the broad masses of the working people, if it is not prepared to defend itself against fascism by every means at its disposal. The policy of retreating before fascism, both nationally and on an international scale, brings grist to the mill of fascism; it brings destruction to the nations, it means the end of democracy. This policy is equally harmful for those who retreat before fascism inside the country and those states which retreat before it on the international arena. The fascist rulers of Germany are systematically blackmailing the countries of bourgeois democracy, and the present rulers of those countries succumb to the influence of this blackmail. But it must be realized that the brazen fascists are becoming the more insolent the more concessions are ceded to them, and the less the resistance they meet. The fascists are using their well-tried method of provocation. In Germany they burned the Reichstag and then shouted that the Communists had done it. In Spain they started a rebellion against the parliamentary regime, against the lawful republican government, and then shouted that the People's Front was to blame for the civil war. The fascists put fear into the hearts of the spineless liberals and flabby democrats; while the democratic jobbers fearing for their profits and the ministers, politicians and leaders from the ranks of various liberal and democratic parties who cling to their soft seats, as well as not a few people from the Socialist and Amsterdam Internationals, give way to this intimidation and do their utmost to find means of conciliation with fascism. They try to persuade us that such a "middle" policy can be adopted whereby "the wolves would be satisfied and the sheep go unharmed." But concessions will not sate the fascist wolves. This kind of policy will not check them. Actually it only leads to demobilizing the forces and the will of the working masses. The Spanish events provide a particularly vivid example in this respect, too. It is now clear to all that the fascists, and first and foremost the fascists of Germany and Italy who have raised the revolt, with the Spanish generals as their cat's-paws, counted upon the young Spanish Republican government not offering them any serious resistance; they expected that it would not be difficult for them to subject the country and take over its natural wealth and the islands having strategic importance. In resorting to military action in Spain the fascists had before them the examples of the recent past, when their criminal acts had been allowed to go unpunished. The introduction of compulsory military service in Germany, the militarization of the Rhineland, the seizure of Ethiopia by Italy and the earlier seizure of parts of China by Japan, which took place with the connivance of the bourgeois democratic countries and the League of Nations, have whetted the appetites of the fascist bullies and encouraged them to attempt a new robber raid. The fascists would never have dared to kindle the flames of civil war in other countries, to send arms, airplanes, tanks, flotillas of warships and, lastly, army units, had they been promptly and firmly checked. They would have been compelled to retreat if; at the very beginning of the fascist rebellion in Spain, they had encountered the mighty force of the international working class movement marching in a united front, if they had encountered resistance on the part of the bourgeois democratic governments, if these governments had not supported the blockade of the Spanish Republic by their fraudulent policy of non-intervention. We often hear the argument advanced by people who pretend to be adherents of democracy, that the establishment of the People's Front only leads to increased fascist aggression, that it hastens the armed action of fascism. From this they draw the conclusion that if you want to avoid the barbarous rule of fascism, do not form a People's Front, but try to come to terms peacefully with Hitler and Mussolini and your own Hitlers and Mussolinis in each country. But nothing could be more misguiding and harmful for the proletariat and the people in the bourgeois democratic countries than to follow the sheepish wisdom of these woebegone democrats. It amounts to the absurd, stupid, foul moral: "Don't annoy the beast if you don't want it to attack you." And this monstrous moral is being taught to the Social-Democratic workers precisely after the cruel defeat of the working people of Germany and Austria! For in Germany and Austria, as is well known, the leaders of Social-Democracy and the trade unions had absolutely refused to undertake any joint action with the Communists, their excuse being that the united front with the Communist Party would alienate the middle strata from the working class, would strengthen the position and the aggression of fascism, would hasten on its general offensive and lead to fascist victory and the annihilation of democracy. It was as a result of this policy that the German and Austrian people suffered heavy defeats, followed by countless horrors and calamities. On the other hand, we see that the People's Front in France has barred the way against fascism, while it is precisely owing to the People's Front that for five months now the Spanish people have been heroically defending their liberty and independence. In this grave struggle the chances for victory will be the greater the more the Spanish working class is able to maintain to the end the firm unity of the People's Front, the more it is able to subordinate the historically formed differences between the Communists, Socialists and Anarchists, to the greater interests of the people, to the cause of suppressing the fascist rebellion, the more determinedly it resists the attempts at taking dangerous leaps over the inevitable stages of the revolution advocated by certain shortsighted sectarians, light-minded visionaries and Trotskyite provocateurs. Finally, the quicker and more resolute the support afforded to the Spanish people by the world proletariat and the whole of progressive mankind, the sooner will the Spanish people finish with the fascist rebels. An analogy, it is true, is not always proof, but frequently it throws a clearer light on a given situation. We can definitely assert that if; at the time of the Leipzig trial when the sword of brutal Hitler fascism hung over the heads of the accused Communists, the anti-fascists of all countries, and we in court, had adhered to this wiseacre policy of "Don't annoy the beast," German fascism would not then have suffered such a moral and political defeat, the heads of the falsely accused Communists would not have remained on their shoulders, and the "St. Bartholomew Night" prepared by the bloodthirsty fascists for the thousands of prisoners of fascism in the jails and concentration camps would not have been averted. No, the policy of "Don't annoy the beast," is an unworthy policy! It is a policy which under all circumstances is fatal for the working class, for democracy and peace. On the contrary, the fascist beast must be muzzled. It must be confronted by the mighty organized fist of the People's Front. It must be muzzled in iron so as to prevent it from biting. It must be struck at and finished once and for all, in order to save the democratic gains won by the people and safeguard peace. This, of course, does not mean that we should fall prey to the provocations of the fascists, who, while using all means to kindle the flames of civil war inside the country and imperialist war abroad, seek to deceive the masses of the people and create the impression that it is precisely the parties of the People's Front and the states which support peace that lead to civil war and military complications. In the contemporary political history of Europe we have two most important and instructive examples showing different attitudes toward fascism that led to diametrically opposite results. While in Germany the Social-Democratic leaders refused to establish united working class action and, precisely because of this, facilitated the advent of the fascists to power, we have a different example in France. The French proletariat, thanks to the joint action of the Communist and Socialist Parties and the policy of unswerving struggle on the basis of the People's Front against the fascist danger, caused fascism to be effectively repulsed and prevented the fascists from establishing their rule. This is the greatest victory of the proletariat and democracy in Europe after the coming of fascism to power in Germany. And the working people of other capitalist countries can and must learn much from the French proletariat. But these successes in France are only the first successes. They must be consolidated; they demand that the offensive against fascism proceed further. Every attempt to discredit and break up the People's Front must meet with the most resolute resistance on the part of all workers, all anti-fascists. The mustering of the fascist forces within the country, the growing fascist aggression in neighboring countries, the Spanish events, which are fraught with lessons to be learned, indicate clearly to the workers and all anti-fascists that they must increase their efforts tenfold in the struggle against fascism, that they must forge an even stronger and more stable united People's Front. There is no ground to doubt that this line will be followed persistently and firmly, as the only correct line in the struggle against growing fascist aggression. But maintaining the People's Front in France does not mean by far that the working class will support the present government at any price. The composition of the government may change, but the People's Front must remain and grow stronger all the time. If for some reason or other the existing government should turn out to be unable to put through the program of the People's Front, if it takes the line of retreat before the enemy at home and abroad, if its policy leads to the discrediting of the People's Front and thus weakens the resistance to the fascist offensive, then the working class, while still further strengthening the bonds of the People's Front, will strive to bring about the substitution of another government for the present one, of a government which will firmly carry out the program of the People's Front, will be capable of dealing with the fascist danger, will safeguard the democratic liberties of the French people and ensure its defense against foreign fascist aggression. Alongside with maintaining and strengthening the People's Front in France, the unfolding of united action among all sections of the English working class against fascism and war deserves special attention. England plays a tremendous role in the whole of the political life of the world. Her position most definitely influences a number of bourgeois democratic countries and the international situation in general. The whole situation today raises with particular force the question of the role of the working class of England nationally and on an international scale. This fact imposes on it particularly important obligations with regard to the struggle against fascism and for the preservation of peace, and also with regard to the task of establishing international unity of the working class movement. The English working class won democratic rights earlier than the working people of other countries. The democratic regime they won has made it possible for them to influence the policies of their country to a greater extent than is the case with the proletariat of a number of other countries. The English workers possess powerful means for the struggle for democracy, to safeguard peace against fascism and, in particular, against the fascist brigands in Spain and the German, Italian and Portuguese interventionists. There is no doubt that the working class of England, with the glorious traditions of the Chartist movement behind it, the proletariat in whose midst the First International of Marx and Engels was established, and which possesses powerful, united trade union organizations, will find in itself sufficient strength and will power to overcome all obstacles on the way to creating a united People's Front of struggle against fascism and war, and to fulfill with honor its international obligations in defense of democracy, culture and peace. 4 The decisive role in the task of establishing a mighty People's Front belongs to the working class. It can and must rally around itself all working people, all the forces of democracy, all anti-fascists. At the present juncture, when we are faced with furious fascist aggression directed, as was particularly clearly demonstrated by the Nuremberg Congress of the bestial German fascists, against every kind of democracy, when everything must be done to save the Spanish democratic republic, when over the world hangs the ominous threat of a new world imperialist war, it is not only impermissible to allow the forces of the proletariat to be divided, but it is impermissible and criminal to allow any slackening in the work of establishing the united front. This slackening only plays into the hands of fascism. It may cause the proletariat and democracy to suffer new heavy blows. The working class must no longer tolerate a situation where, at a time when in Spain the Socialist and Communist workers are fighting and dying together at the front, defending not only the liberty and democracy of the Spanish people but the democracy and culture of the whole of Europe against fascist barbarism, there are to be found leaders of the Second Socialist International who bring all their influence to bear to widen the split in the proletarian ranks. At a time when the fascist rebels in Spain are slaughtering Socialist and Communist workers who are fighting shoulder to shoulder at the front, when they are spreading death and destruction throughout the country, the leadership of the Socialist Inter national persistently refuses to organize aid for the Spanish people jointly with the Communist International. There are a number of countries with Social-Democratic governments or coalition governments in which Social-Democratic ministers, leaders of the Social-Democratic Parties and of the Socialist International, are taking part. But not only do these governments not make common cause with the Soviet Union in its position on the Spanish question, the only position which is in accord with the interests of the Spanish people and with the cause of the defense of democracy and peace, but by the manner in which they act they lend support to the hypocritical policy of non-intervention and actually hinder the cause of effective resistance to the fascist interventionists and murderers of the Spanish people. Of course, the responsibility for this policy, which is most detrimental to the interests of the world proletariat, lies with the Socialist leaders who are carrying it out. But it would be against the historical truth if we were to keep silent concerning that share of responsibility which falls upon all leaders and members of the Socialist and Amsterdam Internationals. For the leaders speak and act on their behalf, as their representatives. Inasmuch as they allow such a policy to be pursued, they cannot disclaim responsibility for it. They must become cognizant of the common duty history places upon them, together with the Communists, to do everything to bar the way against fascism and to safeguard peace. In the formation and extension of the People's Front of struggle against fascism and war, the greatest significance is attached to the united front of the working class itself in the main capitalist countries, to united action on the part of the Communist and Social-Democratic parties, as well as the trade unions of different political tendencies and, on the international arena, to joint action of the Communist and Socialist and Amsterdam International. All obstacles in the way of this united action must be removed as rapidly as possible. To this end the Communist Parties and all supporters of proletarian unity and the People's Front in the ranks of the Socialist and Amsterdam Internationals have a tremendous amount of intensive daily activity ahead of them. The Seventh Congress of the Communist International was fully aware of the fact that it is no simple task to put an end to the split in the ranks of the working class. All that the enemies of the working class, their agents and henchmen have done over the course of long decades for the purpose of dividing the forces of the working people cannot be eliminated with a wave of the hand and by mere wishes. Our whole experience since the congress has shown still more clearly that the road to united action on the part of the working class nationally and on an international scale is far from being a straight, smooth, paved road. It is a pretty hard, zigzag road, often thorny and steep. Open and covert enemies of unity never cease to throw up different kinds of obstacles and barriers along that road. Every step has to be taken after great effort, by stubborn work and struggle. There are the misguided ones who must have things explained to them patiently, so that they may become convinced. There are the waverers and those of little faith who have to be urged on all the time. There are saboteurs and double-dealers who must be ruthlessly exposed. There is a persistent struggle to be waged against the cunning sophists, the crafty politicians and practiced demagogues, who do their utmost to persuade the rank and file, the politically inexperienced workers, that two times two are not four, but three, that the united front of the working class does not increase their power, but only leads to increased fascist aggression. And at the same time it is necessary to be on guard against falling prey to the provocative maneuvers of the enemies of unity, but untiringly to extend a brotherly hand to all organizations of the working people, inviting them to joint struggle even when they have avowed opponents of unity at their head. For every Communist, every class-conscious worker, must not forget for a minute that the opponents of unity of the international proletariat would be extremely gratified if, in the face of their sabotage and provocation, the Communists themselves would give up the struggle for unity and refrain from consistently carrying out the People's Front policy. This would only make it easier for these leaders to carry on in their role as splitters and would save them for the time being from the severe verdict of the proletariat and of history. We must know how to carry on an unabated, ideological struggle against reformism and other anti-Marxist tendencies in the ranks of the working class movement, and at the same time fight persistently for the establishment of the united People's Front and carefully avoid any disruption of united action in the daily struggle against fascism and war. Twenty-two years ago, on the eve of the world imperialist war, when he was gathering together the forces of the working class for the coming struggle for socialism, the great Lenin spoke of the tremendous importance of unity in the ranks of the proletariat: The workers do need unity. And the thing that must be understood above all else is that, apart from the workers themselves, no one will "give" them unity, no one is in a position to help their unity. Unity cannot be "promised"-that would be an empty boast, self-deception; unity cannot be "created" out of "agreement" between little groups of intellectuals -- this is an error of the saddest, most naive and ignorant type. Unity must be won, and only by the workers themselves; the class-conscious workers themselves are capable of achieving this by stubborn and persistent work. Nothing is easier than to write the word "unity" in letters a yard high, to promise unity, to "proclaim" oneself an adherent of unity. But in reality, unity can only be advanced by work and the organization of the advanced workers, of all class-conscious workers. This is not easy. It requires work, persistence, the rallying together of all class-conscious workers. But without such work there is no use in talking of the unity of the workers. [V. I. Lenin, Collected Works, 20:319] These remarkable words of Lenin are particularly valuable and instructive for the working class of all capitalist countries at the present period. 5 The whole course of events since the Seventh Congress of the Communist International provides indisputable confirmation of the vital necessity of the earliest possible realization of its historic slogans regarding working class unity and the People's Front of struggle against the worst enemy of mankind -- fascism. The Communist International and the Communist Parties of the various countries, backed by the masses of the working people, will not cease for one moment to exert all their power in the fight to bring about this unity. They will not fall prey to any provocation whatsoever directed toward widening the split in the ranks of the working class and breaking up the People's Front. And despite the opposition of the saboteurs in the Socialist and Amsterdam Internationals, the world proletariat will bring about its militant unity. In the struggle against fascism and war, not empty words, not platonic wishes, but action is needed. To achieve this action it is necessary to bring about the unification of all the forces of the working class and to carry out unswervingly the policy of the People's Front. http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/dimitrov/works/1936/12.htm