Sonntag, 8. Dezember 2013

Interview with Chairman Comrade Kiran,

1. Com. Kiran, it is nearly one year that you have cut-off relations with neo-revisionist Prachanda-Baburam faction. In this one year, as a revolutionary party ideologically, politically and organizationally cum policy, plan and program, how and in what respect does it able to establish its identity? Can you please clarify this ? • Yes, it is about a year that we have broken relations with the neo-revisionist. We have certainly made a different identity on ideological, political and organizational aspect including policy and program. But, we haven’t developed the identity effectively on the program of struggle and mass mobilization. 2. The Party has adopted Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the principal guideline and determined the New Democratic Revolution as minimum program, it is an important factor. But there is a comment that the Party line seems a bit abstract, a bit eclectics, and lack of uniformity on leaders and cadres on understanding it. Please, make it clear? • There was abstractness on some extend on the documents presented on the Seventh Congress. In the process of the Congress, questions had raised regarding Party line the abstractness and eclectics. It was obvious to raise such questions on the course of discussion. But we have already made clear it in the hall of Congress. In this regard, the Congress has determined the Party line of People’s Revolt on the basis of People’s War. On the situation of forwarding on with the experience, knowledge and awareness of ten years long people’s war; no signs of possibility have seen to establish the people’s rights through Constituent Assembly, and in deepening the economic, political and cultural crisis if we able to pay attention with subjective preparedness, there is possibility of People’s Revolt for certain span of time. In this context, the Party line defined by the congress has determined People’s Revolt as principal for certain time and if it wouldn’t concluded in this time then the Party line has allowed for People’s War. 3. We used to say that the characteristic of Nepalese society is semi-feudal and semi-colonial but the Party has analyzed it in the Congress as semi-feudal and neo-colonial. In what situation and analysis it has defined as neo-colonial, it was some time actively and sometime passively continues since 1950 to till now. Now, what kind of special and qualitative situation surfaced which demand to concretize the characteristic of Nepalese society as neo-colonialist? Is not the Nepalese society basically in semi-colonial situation? • It is clear that the Nepalese society has been analyzed for long as in semi-feudal, semi-colonial and neo-colonial situation. For some decades the neo-colonial features have been seen but the discussion on it was very rare. Neo-colonial characteristic are the developed form of semi-colonial characteristic. In Nepal specially Indian expansionism and other imperialistic forces are in their last phase who have the tendency of fulfilling their political, economic, cultural ,strategic interest through comprador capitalist class rather than direct military intervention and so now this situation is described as semi-feudal and neo-colonial. 4. In defining Maoism, protracted People’s War, New Democratic Revolution, Continuous Class Struggle and The Great Chinese Cultural Revolution are taken as the ultimate values. Some Maoist parties of imperialist countries, especially those who has linked with Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) are saying that the rhetoric of Revolt is enough now and has developed their documents to tread the path of protracted People’s War but we are focusing on People’s Revolt. It is doubted that it may have being back from Maoism and the path shown by Mao. In the country like Nepal, do you think the Revolt that wouldn’t be linked with People’s War is possible? • In this specific situation, we have said that our present Party line is People’s Revolt on the base of People’s War. If the People’s Revolt doesn’t conclude in certain span of time than it is clear that People’s War will be the principal Party line. We have mentioned all of this in the document passed by the Congress. 5. The Party line of People’s Revolt has the danger tending Party in a maze and inviting the liquidationism on the other hand there is danger of reviving the case of Indonesia, how do you take this? • We have said that for present specific situation of Nepal the main way is People’s Revolt. Yes, for revolution we have to play with different types of dangers. 6. In one of your article you have said, “ Possibility of the development of People’s War in form of National War seems vital then the form of People’s War of the past”. Can you please, make it clearer? • Principally, there are two forms of protracted People’s War- Civil War and National War. Our Party CPN - Maoist has mobilized People’s War for ten years. Now, the question of the defence of national sovereignty is being severe. In this situation, there is possibility of transformation of People’s War in National War. 7. In CPN - Maoist, there is notable presence of old and young, both, forces which have experience of People’s War. There are comrades who have accumulated experience even from international level. In this respect, special types of responsibility of the Party seem in international level as well. But it is heard that the Party has not focus to develop relations with the fraternal parties and to organize and unify the International Communist Movement. Please, make it clear? Yes, we haven’t done more in the area of International Communist Movement. Now onward we will pay adequate attention on it. 8. RIM is not effective, what is the main reason behind it, ideological or organizational? Is not it necessary to move ahead by making solidarity with the keen and start discussion and debate with others? How does the Party observe it? • Because of ideological and political reasons, RIM is not effective and productive. On the one hand one of the main factions of CPN - Maoist who has been handling glorious People’s War is sinking in the quicksand of rightist neo-revisionism and on the other in some of the parties which are inside the RIM has developed wrong thought and tendency that is the main reason which made RIM active in its latter parts. The necessity was to mobilizing two line struggle and work simultaneously in the organization. But, because of the metaphysical and sectarian thought of the major components of RIM it hadn’t happened. 9. It has blamed that the slogans and programs which have been forwarded through tactical unity and united front weren’t helpful to support the strategic objectives rather they were reactionary and the program of movement also was not effective. What is the reality? • We are in the legal and general types of People’s struggle. This struggle is helping the objective of the strategy of revolution by this or that way. It is impossible to expect or, shouldn’t be expect a qualitative leap suddenly in the sector of united front and struggle when present political situation is in parliamentary pool. 10. The Imperialist-expansionist forces and their Nepalese comprador Party and leaders are crying for re-election of Constituent Assembly. It is criticized that the Party has decided differently than it has decided by the Congress regarding the issue of Constituent Assembly. Presently there are different types of analysis on it. What is the concrete policy and decision of the Party? • We are in the same positioning of the Congress which has already decided that there is not any relevancy of Constituent Assembly. Now, there is non-party puppet government in the country. We are in struggle with various demands. There is no alternative than the boycott of election in the present context. We will take concrete decision on it very soon. 11. The fraternal parties of all over the world, revolutionary proletarian class and oppressed mass are looking toward CPN-Maoist with hope and faith, what is your message to them to enhance extra hope and revolutionary spirit? • We want to assure the fraternal parties and proletarian of the world with work rather than word. We were and are devoted in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, New Democratic state power, the ideology of socialism and communism, Proletarian Internationalism and the liberation of oppressed peoples and for their bright future. Revolution develops on zigzag way, not in straight path and it develops its own specialty in every country. It is the universal norms of materialistic dialectics. We are firm and confident in such norms.

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