"The Unknown Cultural Revolution - Life and change in a Chinese village"

Dongping Han grew up in China during the Cultural Revolution and now teaches in the U.S. He is the author of the book The Unknown Cultural Revolution—Life and Change in a Chinese Village. Following is an abridged version of the session at the end of a speech he gave in December 2008 at the New York symposium "Rediscovering the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Art and Politics, Lived Experience, Legacies of Liberation," sponsored by Revolution Books, Set the Record Straight Project and Institute for Public Knowledge-New York University. The full version appeared in the 6 September 2009 issue of Revolution, voice of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA. (revcom.us)



Question: You went back to China in 1986. When did you and others like you start to see that things were different, that China had become very different than what it had been during the Cultural Revolution?



Dongping Han: I think people realized right away. The land was privatized in China in 1983. Many people tend to think that farmers are stupid and ignorant. But I think the farmers are very intelligent people. Many of them realized the implications of private farming right away. That was why they resisted it very hard in the beginning. And in my village and in other villages I surveyed, the overwhelming majority of people, 90 percent, said the Communist Party no longer cares about poor people. Right away they felt this way. The Communist Party, the cadres, no longer cared about poor people in the countryside. The government investment in rural areas in the countryside dropped from 15 percent in the national budget in 1970s to only 3-4 percent in the '80s. So the Chinese public realized that the Chinese government no longer cared about them by disbanding the communes. But I was in college at the time and I didn't start to think about the issue very hard until 1986.



Q: Can you explain a little bit more how the Cultural Revolution came to your village?



DH: The Cultural Revolution started slowly. Before the start of the Cultural Revolution, there was a call to start to study Mao's works. The Chinese People's Liberation Army came to the village to read Chairman Mao's works. They held performances in the village. They came to people's home to teach people to read Mao's three classic articles: "Serve the People", "In Memory of Norman Bethune" and "The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains". They explained to the villagers what these articles were about. After the PLA soldiers left, many school children, like myself, started to teach villagers about Mao's works as well. When the central government announced the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, high school and middle school students left their schools, and began to write big character posters in the streets. The high school students dragged 20 of their teachers to the marketplace and denounced them publicly and shaved off half their hair in front of a big crowd. I do not think that most people knew what the Cultural Revolution would be like at the beginning.



Many students began to publish newspapers and pamphlets. There were so many pamphlets at the time, criticizing government officials. In the beginning they were mostly written by students. Not long after this, farmers and workers began to write them as well. There was so much information going on at the time. Later on, there was a group of high school and middle school students from my county that travelled all the way to Beijing to see Chairman Mao. When they came back in August 1966, they began to organize into different Red Guard factions. They started to organize mass rallies to criticize the county and commune leaders. All officials were under some kind of popular scrutiny and attack at the time.



Almost everybody, I would say 90 percent of the population, was part of a mass organization.



I was in third grade at that time. Five of my friends and I also organized a Red Guard organization. We designed our Red Guard symbols and began to publish a single page newspaper. We collected enough money to get a hand printer to print our newspaper. In my school there were 13 small newspapers. We would recruit others and write something and go to the marketplace to distribute it to the people. That's how it started. There were big character posters everywhere. The village streets were plastered with big character posters, mostly criticizing village leaders. Before the Cultural Revolution, the village leaders had a lot of power. They normally didn't work in the field and they would eat and drink a lot at the village's expense. And the Cultural Revolution held them to task. That's how it started actually.

In all these activities with the big character posters, all were written by the farmers themselves. And I remember some of the farmers who didn't know how to write. They came to us, they came to the school kids, and we would write it for them. So it was a very mobilizing movement. Everybody in the village was touched by that.



The reason the officials are corrupt today and were not during the Cultural Revolution years is because the masses were really empowered. There was always a mass meeting every night and all the government policies and directives were read to the farmers. And it was required by the government at the time. They were read to the farmers and then the farmers discussed these documents, so everybody knew what was going on and why. The reason why the Chinese people were eager to read and willing to recite Mao's works at the time is because they found what Mao said represented their best interests. And Mao said what they wanted to hear. For example Mao's article "To Serve the People" is only one and a half pages long. But in this short article Mao elaborated on how a communist official should behave. A communist official shouldn't have any self interests. He should work for the people and serve the people. They should care about the poor people and the farmers. They should welcome criticism. If they were not doing something right, they should change it for the sake of the people. This is all something the farmers never heard and they wanted to hear.



Q: Why during that time, during those 10 years of the Cultural Revolution, was there no effort made to purge the Communist Party of the right-wing capitalist roaders?



DH: The Cultural Revolution was not to purge people, it was to educate the people. Many of the capitalist roaders had fought for the revolution and made important contributions to the Chinese revolution. It was an accepted traditional idea that those who fight for the revolution should enjoy the privileges when the revolution succeeded. It was not enough to purge these people. The problem was the old traditional ideas. So the Cultural Revolution was to do away with the traditional ideas and educate the people through mobilizing the farmers and the workers. I think if there was no coup in 1976, I doubt that this government apparatus would have changed by itself. It happened because there was a coup. But I don't think to purge people is a solution either. I remember during the Cultural Revolution there were some high officials in my county who encouraged their own children to work with the farmers and to ask for the most difficult assignments and tasks to build their character. It seemed that these high officials did change with the change of social climate during the Cultural Revolution years. But when the social climate changed, they changed back.



Most people were not aware that there was a coup in 1976. Mao's wife and three other important leaders were arrested. And there was a very extensive purge throughout China. Hundreds of thousands of people who supported the Cultural Revolution were arrested right away. Some people argue that Mao should have killed Deng Xiaoping and a few others to prevent the arrest of the Gang of Four. Maybe he should have, but he did not.



Q: Could you paint a picture comparing what the average daily life was like for you and your family during the Cultural Revolution compared to, on the one hand communism before the Cultural Revolution, and then compared to your family now in capitalist China?



DH: The Cultural Revolution was launched because the Great Leap Forward failed. It failed partly because there was a 100-year natural disaster on the one hand. On the other hand, it failed because communist officials in the villages were not really socialist yet. They ordered farmers to do too much and they themselves didn't want to work hard. There was not enough to eat during the Great Leap Forward because of the natural disasters on the one hand and mismanagement on the other. So the reason I think the Cultural Revolution was launched by Mao was that he realized at the time that the Chinese officials needed to be educated and that the Chinese people needed to be educated through a socialist movement. That's why he mobilized the Chinese farmers to criticize the officials in the village. And of course, I was too young, I don't remember too much about the Great Leap Forward. But during the Cultural Revolution, I remember very well. I was working in the fields with the farmers and at that time in the rural areas, each village had a production brigade, and each brigade was divided into several production teams. In my village there were eight production teams. Each production team had about 40 families. We elected five production team leaders each year. We had a production team head, a woman leader, an accountant, a cashier, and a store keeper. Before the Cultural Revolution these people were appointed by the village leaders and the village leaders were appointed by the commune leaders. It was not democratically elected. During the Cultural Revolution years, these production team leaders were elected by the farmers.



We worked in the fields together. Everybody came out and worked together. And at the end of the day the cashier would record how many people worked that day. And at the end of the year, when the harvest came in, the village accountant, together with the production team accountant, would develop a distribution plan. Seventy percent of the grain was distributed according to how many people you had in your family. Thirty percent was distributed according to how much you worked in the collective. So if you did not work in the fields, you were still entitled to 70 percent of the grain from the collective. That was the distribution on the production team level. There was also distribution at the production brigade level. The village owned many enterprises. After putting away money for a welfare fund, money to purchase new equipment and so on, the village would distribute its income according to how much you had worked in the collective. The collective also produced vegetables, fruits, peanuts and we also raised pigs. These would be distributed to villagers regularly according to the same distribution schedule as grain was distributed. We also purchased fish, wine, cigarettes collectively with the money earned by the village enterprises, and this was distributed to each family on important occasions like Chinese New Year and other holidays. We got almost all our supplies from the collective.



After the Cultural Revolution years, I went to college and my two sisters who used to work for the village, found jobs in a state-owned factory in the early '80s. Now the factory has been sold and my two sisters have been unemployed since 1996. My younger sister is still working in the village, as the village cashier now. My village is doing well compared with other villages. Life has changed dramatically in the countryside. I think for most working class people, life has changed for the worse. Even though they may get more money, they have lost benefits like free medical care and free education of the socialist past. They now have to pay for their education. They have to pay for their medical care. Most farmers cannot afford the medical care. If they are sick for a small problem, they just endure the problem. If they are sick for a big problem, they just wait to die. Many of them say they do not want to leave a big debt for their children by going to the hospital. The medical care is very expensive now and it is beyond the reach of most farmers and working class people in urban areas.



Q: Could you talk a little about what the cultural life was like in your village and how that changed?



DH: Before the Cultural Revolution, Chinese performing arts were mostly about talented young men and beautiful ladies, kings, generals and so on. That's what the Chinese traditional plays were about. During the Cultural Revolution, there was a surge of a new kind of art. Every village at the time had a group of farmer artists and they played instruments, sang revolutionary songs, danced revolutionary dances, and staged revolutionary plays. There was some kind of performance in the village almost every night. These performances became educational tools. Revolutionary ideas spread because of these revolutionary performances. And it was very powerful. But of course today you don't see that any more in the countryside. But if you go to China today, you can still see older people singing the revolutionary songs in parks and public spaces to entertain themselves.



Q: In the movies that we see about China and the Cultural Revolution, there is a representation of people being picked up and tried by popular tribunals and paraded around town, punished. My question is: where does this image come from, did you hear about things like this in China, how widespread was this?



DH: That image was from the Cultural Revolution years. For a few weeks in the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, many Chinese officials were being criticized on the stage. That was very common. I saw it many times. I would say most government officials went through some of that at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. At the same time, I would argue, many of these people deserved some kind of punishment. They had made mistakes in their work. And because of their mistakes, people suffered. People were looking for ways to air their anger. In the villages, the struggle against village leaders was more gentle and peaceful.



These public struggle sessions to deal with officials who committed crimes and made mistakes were different ways of dealing with these people. After they were struggled with for a day or two, they were allowed to go free. They were taught a lesson by the people. In the U.S. people are sent to prison. I still think this public education during the Cultural Revolution was very effective, not only to educate the village officials, but also everybody else. After the session, they were free. So I don't think that was a bad practice. I think it was a very good practice.



Q: What about the situation in China now, particularly the economic crisis and how you think that's working itself out, especially in the rural areas, but more generally?



DH: The Chinese government is faced with a huge challenge today and the Chinese government officials themselves have admitted that on many occasions. Some people estimate that there are 100 incidents involving more than 100 people challenging the government and 300 incidents involving less than 100 challenging the government each day. I read in a document about an incident in Guangdong province where three police officers stopped a car without a license plate and upon further check they found the driver without a driver's license. But the three people came out the car and yelled that the police are harassing people and about 2,000 people came out. They turned the police car upside down and set it on fire. The government is warning the police to be careful because the tension between the people and the government is very high.



And there are a lot of people in the countryside who are very angry with the township government. I was told by a farmer about an incident in a rural township. The party secretary was taking a nap one day. But about 100 farmers ,who were angry with the township government's decision to move the market to a different place, went to his bedroom. They actually dragged him by his four limbs into the marketplace and threw him up into the air for a half hour. They didn't hit him. They just toyed with him for a half hour. In the end the government had to remove him from office because he had become an embarrassment for the government. This happened last year. There was another government official who was beaten by the farmers. The villagers wanted him to take a patient to the hospital. He refused. He said that not everyone could ride in his car. The farmers almost killed him, but the government didn't punish the people who did it. So I think the government realizes how tense its relationship is with the masses.



In the old days, the Chinese government officials came to the village and worked with the farmers. And today they don't do that. They come to the village in big cars, only to get money from farmers and to enforce the one child policy... I think the government has a legitimacy crisis. The Chinese government was able to survive the challenges of the Great Leap Forward posed by unprecedented natural disasters and mismanagement by its officials because of the socialist legitimacy. I don't think it will be able to survive any challenges close to that of the Great Leap Forward.



Q: Could you talk about what happened during the coup in 1976 and also how that whole period was being understood where you were?



DH: I still remember where I was on 9 September 1976. At 4 o'clock that day, I was walking with my friend outside the village when the loudspeaker said there was a very important announcement. And we immediately realized something was wrong. And they said Chairman Mao had passed away. I don't know how I walked home that day. I remember that everybody around me was crying. Finally I reached home. My father cried all the way home from his factory. When my grandpa died he didn't cry. He gathered the family together and he said, today our poor people's sky has fallen and we do not know what life will be like tomorrow. At the time, I thought, in my heart, how could that be possible? We have built the socialist state. How could the poor people's sky fall just because Chairman Mao died?



It turned out that my father was right. When the Gang of Four was arrested, the Chinese government said the people were really happy. That was not true. In my home town many young people really respected Jiang Qing because of an incident that happened in a neighbouring commune. On Chinese New Year in 1975, the village leader played over the loudspeaker a traditional drama which was criticized during the Cultural Revolution. A young man in the village criticized the village leader for playing that over the loudspeaker. But the village leaders accused him of causing trouble in the village. He called the police and the police took him away. While he was in prison, he wrote a letter to Jiang Qing, and in less than five days, Jiang Qing responded to his letter. Jiang Qing ordered that the person be released. And the village leader was dismissed from office. Young people in my area loved Jiang Qing. When the Gang of Four was arrested a few weeks after Mao died, we knew things were going to be different.



Question: You were saying that the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution were the most exciting of your life. Could you give some examples of that spirit that you felt?



DH: The way that I felt at that time was that I had a strong sense of security. I was not alone in this world. My neighbours, my production team leaders, the village leaders would take care of anybody if they needed help.



In 1998, one of my friends who worked with me committed suicide. When I received the news from my village I cried. The reason I cried was because I felt that if the collective had not been disbanded he would not have died; he would not have committed suicide. And this person was about my age. When he was young, he couldn't get up early in the morning. So every morning my production team leader told me to go to wake him up. When I went to wake him up the first time, he answered me, and got up. The second day, he said, I'll get up but he never got up. So I had to drag him up from his bed. The third day his grandmother was very upset that I woke him up every day. She told me that her grandson needed more sleep. But the production team leader said to me: "Do not mind his grandmother. Wake him up. He needs help." So he came to work with us with my help. He worked every day. He was a very good worker. He was very talented as well. He played the Chinese instrument, the erhu very well and he also painted well. But after the collective was disbanded, nobody went to wake him up anymore. He was able to sleep as much as he wanted. So eventually his wife left him. And by 1996, 1997 he became mentally disturbed. And the last time I saw him was in 1997 when I went back home. I saw him walking naked on the street. He saw me and ran back home. I followed him to his house. I asked him why he walked naked in the streets. He said that life was bad for him. He did not want to live any more. I told him that he had to change his mindset, that he needed to face the challenges. I asked him why he didn't go back to painting if he could not do anything else. I told him that I would be in the village for another 10 days, and I would like to buy a painting from him. He promised that he would do it. But the next day, he came to see me. He said that he could not do it now. He told me that he would do it for me the next year. I told him that it was him that I was interested in not the painting. I wanted to see him stand up and take control of his life. But three months after I left the village, he committed suicide. He hung himself. When I learned of this news from my younger sister, I cried very hard. I felt that if the collective were not disbanded, he did not need to commit suicide. The community was no longer there. Your friends and your neighbours became competitors and strangers to you. The security network had been taken away. For Americans you're used to this kind of competition. But for Chinese farmers who lived under the socialist system before, the change was too dramatic for many people.



Q: The Cultural Revolution sent shock waves around the world. In your village, how much were you aware of the international situation, the influence this was having internationally?



DH: At that time when I was in the village, I really felt we were part of the international revolution. We were young and we were part of a big picture. I remember in 1971 there was a huge drought in our area. The county government held a huge rally in the marketplace. At the rally, government leaders and representatives of farmers and workers said that we were fighting this drought not just for ourselves. We were fighting this in support of the Vietnamese people's fight against U.S. imperialism. We were fighting this drought to support oppressed people in Africa and so on. After the rally, everybody in our school wrote a pledge to join the fight against the drought. The school was closed for two weeks. We went back to the village to fight the drought with the villagers for two weeks. Everybody worked very hard. I felt that I was doing something significant to help the revolution. At that time I didn't really understand what it meant. It was standard language. I believed what we were told by the government that we had friends all over the world. After the Cultural Revolution was over, the Chinese elite told us that it was government propaganda. But it was not simply propaganda. I found this out when I studied in Singapore. When Mao died in 1976, China did not have diplomatic relations with Singapore. So the branch bank of Bank of China decided to hold a memorial service for Mao for three days. Ordinary Singaporeans and seaman from all over the world came to show their respect for Mao day and night. The line was so long, the staff at the Bank of China had to extend the memorial service from three days to ten. I realized then that our fight in China was connected with the struggle of oppressed people all over the world.



Q: I want to step back to your experience in the Cultural Revolution. You were able to go to school, you grew up and became an educated youth in the countryside, and yet there was this political campaign that was going on for 10 years. How did this intersect with you, how much were you continuing to follow it?



Dongping Han: My whole value system was changed very dramatically. Before the Cultural Revolution, my father never allowed me to talk back to him; that's how the Chinese family was. He never allowed me to talk back to him. Whenever there were guests in the house I was never allowed to say a word. But during the Cultural Revolution years that changed. I said, "Chairman Mao said I can talk back to you!" But many people in the U.S. country think that the revolutionary campaign is an interruption of life. No. The revolution did not disrupt most people's lives, particularly in the village. During the day most work continues, and at night people went out to the streets and there was a lot of debate; different groups debate in the streets. My cousin and I went to shops at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution to propagate Mao's ideas. The government-owned shops extended their hours until 10 at night at the time. So we went to the shops to read Mao's teachings and perform the plays, and so on. We loved that.



Maybe I can give you an example to illustrate the change. Before the Cultural Revolution years, people in my area never gave blood to anybody. If you needed a blood transfusion, you went to your family: your wife, your father or your brothers. People thought that if you gave blood to another person, you would lose your own vitality in life. But one day, one of my colleagues was sick and needed a blood transfusion. Most of the factory workers were working in fields harvesting. It was a busy time in the village. Twenty young people who were working in the village went to the hospital. The nurses checked our blood types. I was the only person who qualified to give the blood. I knew at the time any one of the 20 people would give their blood to save my colleague. The village party secretary asked me what to do. I said that we needed to save the patient. They took more than 700 cc from me and after that I couldn't walk and they had to take me home in a wheelbarrow. And the next morning I woke up and my mom and my two aunts were all crying. They actually cried the whole night. They thought I wouldn't be able to get married, nobody would marry me. But life changed, and it wasn't just me. All the people who went to the hospital that day would have happily given blood to that person that day.



Whenever there was a storm, even at midnight people would get up to cover the collective crops. If it snowed we would get up to clean the streets. We did not have bulldozers. Everybody would get out to clean the streets. Another important change in the rural life was that there were almost no crimes during the Cultural Revolution years. For 10 years, we did not have any crime in the village. In my commune of 50,000 people, I did not hear of any serious crime for 10 years. But now, crime has become so common in China.



Q: Could you compare your daily life during the Cultural Revolution to what the daily life would have been like for your grandparents before 1949?



DH: The reason why my father was so supportive of the Communist Party was that he had to work 18 hours a day. He had to pick up the capitalists′ night soil and did household chores beside long hours of work in the workshop. When the communists came to power, the workday became eight hours, so my father's life changed for the better under socialism. My father used to believe in Buddhism. After the communists came to power, he no longer believed it any more. On the Chinese New Year, my mom always asked to kowtow to the gods of the family. My father would always tell me not to do it. He was told that he was suffering because he did something wrong in the previous life. He changed his previous life, but his life suddenly changed for the better with the Communist Party in power.



Both my father and my mom begged before 1949, and were hungry all the time. Both my grandmothers died in their 30s in 1944, without any medical care. But ever since I could remember, I never felt hungry. I always had enough to eat. My father never bought any toys for me when I was young. I often compare my childhood with my son's in the U.S. At the time, we had a lot of kids in the neighbourhood to play with and we made toys for ourselves. We played a lot of games ourselves. We worked on the collective farm during the summer, spring and fall. In winter we played popular games in the streets when there was nothing to do in the fields. And I always ask my son which childhood is better. Of course it's very hard for him to imagine. But I strongly believe that my childhood was much more healthy, much more creative than that of my son who has nothing else but toys and video games. We had community, and we learned how to interact with one another; we learned how to build up leadership skills and things like that. And my son didn't have those skills. When I first came to the U.S, I had a class on the Cultural Revolution. And the professor said that Cultural Revolution education was a disaster, and most students in the class agreed with him. In the end, I told the class that I was a product of the Cultural Revolution education. I challenged the whole class to a competition with me to see who is better educated. Nobody was willing to take on the challenge.

VR China: Unfaires Urteil gegen Menschenrechtler

Freitag, 12. Feber 2010

UA 91/09-1 AI-Index: ASA 17/008/2010 10. Februar 2010

Weitere Informationen zu UA 91/09 (ASA 17/014/2009, 2. April 2009)

Herr TAN ZUOREN

Der politisch aktive Schriftsteller Tan Zuoren wurde am 9. Februar 2010 zu fünf Jahren Haft verurteilt. Die Anklage lautete auf „Anstiftung zur Untergrabung der Staatsgewalt“. Dem Chinesen drohen Folter und andere Misshandlungen.

Tan Zuoren aus der Provinz Sichuan wurde für schuldig befunden, die 1989 von der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas und den Regierungsbehörden angeordnete militärische Niederschlagung der pro-demokratischen Bewegung in Peking kritisiert zu haben. Im Urteil hieß es, Tan Zuoren sei „unzufrieden mit der Art und Weise, in der die chinesische Regierung die Zwischenfälle vom 4. Juni gehandhabt hat, und hat über die Jahre hinweg üble Nachrede gegen die chinesische Regierung betrieben, beispielsweise in Form von Aufrufen zur Blutspende am 4. Juni zum Gedenken an den Jahrestag und durch Verfassen von Artikeln wie z.B. The last beauty – A witness’s diary on Tiananmen Square im Jahr 2007, der auf der ausländischen Website The Fire of Liberty erschienen war.” Weiterhin wurde er im Urteil beschuldigt, „einen Feind in Übersee kontaktiert“ zu haben, weil er an Wang Dan, einen im Exil lebenden Anführer der StudentInnenproteste von 1989, eine E-Mail mit dem Titel „Vorschläge für Aktivitäten zum 20. Jahrestag“ geschrieben hatte.

Tan Zuorens Gerichtsverfahren fand am 12. August 2009 vor dem mittleren Volksgericht in Chengdu statt. Das Urteil wurde jedoch erst am 9. Februar 2010, d.h. über fünf Monate später, verkündet. Dies verstößt gegen die chinesische Strafprozessordnung. Neben der Haftstrafe wurde Tan Zuoren zu einer dreijährigen Aberkennung seiner politischen Rechte nach seiner Freilassung verurteilt. Während dieser Zeit wird er weder wählen noch zur Wahl stehen dürfen; außerdem darf er keine Position in einer staatlichen Behörde oder einem Staatsbetrieb innehaben und muss sich Überwachung gefallen lassen.

Das Gerichtsverfahren setzte sich über die chinesische Strafprozessordnung hinweg. Tan Zuorens AnwältInnen zufolge konnten diese zu seiner Verteidigung weder ZeugInnen in den Zeugenstand rufen noch das vorbereitete Videomaterial einsetzen. JournalistInnen wurden drangsaliert und von einer Berichterstattung über die Verhandlung oder die Urteilsverkündung abgehalten.

HINTERGRUNDINFORMATIONEN

Tan Zuoren ist ein bekannter Umweltschützer. Er hat bereits einen Bericht veröffentlicht, in dem er vor möglichen Gefahren für Gesundheit, Sicherheit und Umwelt durch staatliche Projekte mit Chemikalien in der Provinz Sichuan warnte. Nach dem Erdbeben von 2008 in Sichuan verteilte er ehrenamtlich Nahrungsmittel und Bekleidung an die Überlebenden. Gemeinsam mit mehreren WissenschaftlerInnen versuchte er außerdem, die Gründe für die Todesfälle im Zuge des Erdbebens zu ermitteln und Baustandards zu verbessern, um ein Wiederauftreten zu verhindern.

Tan Zuoren wurde am 28. März 2009 von der Polizei in Chengdu in der Provinz Sichuan wegen Verdachts auf „Anstiftung zur Untergrabung der Staatsgewalt“ in Haft genommen. Man hielt ihn fünf Monate lang fest, bevor seine Verhandlung stattfand. Momentan ist er in der Hafteinrichtung Wenjiang inhaftiert. Er hat Rechtsmittel eingelegt.

In Tan Zuorens Verhandlung am 12. August 2009 hätte der international anerkannte Künstler Ai Weiwei zu seiner Verteidigung aussagen sollen. Am Tag der Verhandlung kamen jedoch Personen, die sich als Angehörige der Polizei ausgaben, in Ai Weiweis Hotelzimmer, verprügelten ihn und hielten ihn stundenlang bis nach Ende der Verhandlung rechtswidrig fest. Zwei JournalistInnen aus Hongkong wurden von Angehörigen der regionalen Polizei in ihrem Hotelzimmer festgehalten und vorgeblich auf Besitz von Drogen durchsucht und so an einer Berichterstattung gehindert. Die Polizei verwehrte UnterstützerInnen von Tan Zuoren den Zutritt zum Gerichtssaal und erlaubte lediglich seiner Frau und einer seiner Töchter, dem Prozess beizuwohnen. Angehörige des Gerichts füllten die restlichen Sitze.

Die Anklage konzentrierte sich sowohl auf Tan Zuorens Kritik an der Rolle der chinesischen Regierung in der Niederschlagung der Proteste von 1989 als auch auf seine Ermittlungen hinsichtlich getöteter Kinder im Erdbeben von 2008 aufgrund von Korruption und dem Einsturz mangelhaft konstruierter Schulgebäude. Die Verteidigung konzentrierte sich hauptsächlich auf Tan Zuorens Bürgerrechte, diesen Todesfällen nachzugehen und Menschenrechtsverletzungen anzuprangern. Im Urteil hieß es jedoch, die Argumente der Verteidigung seien „irrelevant“ gewesen. Bei der Urteilsverkündung am 9. Februar 2010 wurden JournalistInnen erneut bei ihrem Versuch einer Berichterstattung drangsaliert. Seiner Frau Wang Qinghua und seinen beiden Töchtern wurde der Zutritt zum Gerichtssaal verwehrt mit dem Argument, der Raum sei voll.

Lokalen Quellen zufolge hieß es in der Anklageschrift, dass Tan Zuoren ursprünglich wegen seines Vorhabens festgenommen worden war, sensible Informationen über das Erdbeben von 2008 in Sichuan zu veröffentlichen. Am ersten Jahrestag des Erdbebens hatte er offensichtlich vorgehabt, eine Liste der dabei getöteten Kinder zu veröffentlichen. Daneben wollte er einen unabhängig recherchierten Bericht über den Einsturz vieler Schulgebäude herausgeben. Bei der Urteilsverkündung war von den Anklagepunkten in Verbindung mit dem Erdbeben jedoch nicht mehr die Rede.

MenschenrechtlerInnen, die versuchen, in China über Menschenrechtsverletzungen zu berichten, die eine Politik in Frage stellen, die die Behörden für politisch brisant halten, oder die sich bemühen, andere für ihre Überzeugungen zu gewinnen, sind häufig selbst Menschenrechtsverletzungen ausgesetzt. Viele werden nach politisch motivierten Verfahren als gewaltlose politische Gefangene inhaftiert, während eine wachsende Zahl unter Hausarrest gestellt wird, die Polizei dabei übergriffige Überwachungsmethoden einsetzt und vor dem Haus Posten aufstellt.

EMPFOHLENE AKTIONEN: SCHREIBEN SIE BITTE E-MAILS ODER LUFTPOSTBRIEFE

* Fordern Sie die Behörden auf, Tan Zuoren umgehend und bedingungslos freizulassen.
* Drängen Sie darauf, dass Tan Zuoren Zugang zu einer rechtlichen Vertretung, seiner Familie und jeglicher benötigter medizinischer Versorgung erhält.
* Fordern Sie von den Behörden die Garantie, dass er weder gefoltert noch anderweitig misshandelt wird.
* Rufen Sie die Behörden dazu auf, wirksame Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, um sicherzustellen, dass alle MenschenrechtsverteidigerInnen ihre friedliche Arbeit ohne Angst vor willkürlichen Festnahmen, Gefängnisstrafen, Behinderung oder Einschüchterung und gemäß der UN-Erklärung zum Schutz von MenschenrechtsverteidigerInnen ausüben können.

APPELLE AN:
VORSITZENDER DES HÖHEREN VOLKSGERICHTES IN SICHUAN
Liu Yushun Yuanzhang
Sichuansheng Gaoji Renmin Fayuan
108 Zhengfujie, Qinyangqu
Chengdushi 610017
Sichuansheng, VOLKSREPUBLIK CHINA
(korrekte Anrede: Dear Director)
Email: yuanzhangmailbox(at)sina.com

LEITER DES AMTES FÜR ÖFFENTLICHE SICHERHEIT IN CHENGDU
LI Kunxue Juzhang
Chengdushi Gonganju, 144 Wenwulu, Chengdushi 610016
Sichuansheng, VOLKSREPUBLIK CHINA
(korrekte Anrede: Dear Director)

KOPIEN AN:
MINISTERPRÄSIDENT VON CHINA
WEN Jiabao Guojia Zongli
The State Council General Office
2 Fuyoujie, Xichengqu, Beijingshi 100017
VOLKSREPUBLIK CHINA
(korrekte Anrede: Your Excellency)
Fax: (00 86) 10 65961109
(c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

S.E. Herr Ken WU, ao. u. bev. Botschafter
Botschaft der Volksrepublik China
Metternichgasse 4; A-1030 Wien
Fax: 0043-1-713 68 16
E-Mail: chinaemb_at(at)mfa.gov.cn


Bitte schreiben Sie Ihre Appelle möglichst sofort. Schreiben Sie in gutem Chinesisch, Englisch oder auf Deutsch. Da Informationen in Urgent Actions schnell an Aktualität verlieren können, bitten wir Sie, nach dem 24. März 2010 keine Appelle mehr zu verschicken.

Textvorschlag:

(Der Textvorschlag ist nur als Anregung gedacht. Falls Ihre Fremdsprachenkenntnisse ausreichen, dann verfassen Sie das Appellschreiben bitte selbst! Je individueller die Briefe sind, desto besser!)

(Entsprechende Anrede)

I refer to the case of TAN ZUOREN, the environmental activist who was sentenced to five years imprisonment on 9 February, for ”inciting subversion of state power”. He is believed to be at risk of torture and other ill-treatment.

I have been informed that Tan Zuoren´s trial disregarded China’s criminal procedure: His lawyers reported that they were unable to call their witnesses to testify in court, show the video footage they had prepared, or present their defence.

Therefore and because it appears that Tan Zuoren is a prisoner of conscience who has not committed any recognizably criminal offence, I call on you to release him immediately and unconditionally. Pending his release, I urge you to allow Tan Zuoren access to his lawyer, his family and any medical treatment he may require and to guarantee that he will not be tortured or otherwise ill-treated.

I take this opportunity to ask you to take effective measures to ensure that all human rights defenders can carry out their peaceful activities without fear of arbitrary detention, imprisonment, hindrance or intimidation, in line with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.

I trust that you will act in a prompt and effective manner on this case.

Yours sincerely,