France: "The house is on fire"
7 December, 2018. A World to Win News Service. The Yellow Vest revolt
that erupted suddenly among the usually ignored and voiceless lower
classes in France's rural areas and smaller cities has stormed into the
centre of political life and may have blasted a hole in the dam through
which much broader and diverse social discontent can erupt. "The house
is on fire" is the assessment prevalent among the country's "political
class" – but the flames have been kindling. Following the shocks of the
Brexit referendum in Britain, the election of Trump in the US, Merkel’s
comedown in Germany and the establishment last Spring of a
fascist-dominated governmnt in neighbouring Italy, Macron had been
looked to and had accepted the mantle of “leader of the free world”,
champion of the social-democratic order that has characterized the
country and the Western world since World War 2. Jokes made the rounds
among his admirers that France’s young President could walk on water.
Now this champion of the free world, head of what only months ago was
considered the most stable country in Europe, has armoured cars on the
boulevards of Paris, and the City of Light is lit up by the flames of
burning cars.
The deep crisis of the world capitalist-imperialist system and the
challenges this is posing to the major global powers has given rise to
sharp contention between powerful opposing forces in the ruling classes
in most major powers about whether to maintain the structures of
bourgeois democracy, with parliamentary rule, the rule of law and the
norms and institutions associated with this, or impose openly
terroristic rule – a fascist order. As the existing order fragments and
is hammered by this infighting, as the social fabric is stretched and
ripped apart, masses in country after country have been swept into the
maelstrom of events.
As Macron scrambles to contain the Yellow Vest revolt, the fascist
leader Marine Le Pen, who now more than ever is Macron's most serious
rival, is working to use the revolt to force her way into power by any
means possible. Posing as the only person who can save France from even
more chaos and bloodshed, she warned that if Macron doesn't resign, the
only way he can stop the Yellow Vests is to have people shot down. Since
the good majority of French people are in sympathy with the Yellow
Vests, that could have even more catastrophic consequences for the
country's political stability than the previously unimaginable step of
the President's stepping down.. At this point, Macron has done two
things few people would have predicted: making concessions to the kinds
of popular demands he said he would never concede to, and staying silent
in the face of rumours that the army could be called out.
The Yellow Vest eruption and the trashing of the Arc de Triumphe
On 1 December, the Arc de Triumphe, that symbol of France's military
might and power, was illuminated amid the rain and darkness by the
sparks of police teargas and concussion grenades and the flares,
fireworks and fires lit by the protesters who occupied and trashed it.
In the morning, after most demonstrators were dispersed or arrested,
when President Emmanuel Macron came to inspect the damage he was met by a
newly arrived crowd of people chanting "Macron, resign."
The government had deployed most of its security forces in a wide
perimeter around the presidential palace at the foot of the Champs
Elysées, one of the most luxurious avenues in the world. The authorities
managed to avoid their worst fear, the storming of the presidential
palace, but they were unable to dominate the fast-moving crowds that
came together suddenly, attacked and then scattered and regathered
elsewhere. Despite the cold, thousands defied the water cannons and
armoured riot trucks rampaging under the Christmas lights, and
glittering high-end shops were smashed and looted from one end of the
avenue to the other. Barricades went up on adjoining streets to assert
the crowd's control of these territories reknowned for their
ostentatious wealth. Hundreds of cars and half a dozen buildings were
burned. In revenge for their humiliation, the police and paramilitary
CRS security forces mercilessly piled on and beat isolated protesters.
More than 400 people were arrested on Saturday 1 December, most held
without charges for days and others sentenced immediately. According to
the authorities, they were predominantly employed men in their twenties
and especially thirties from "the provinces", towns and small cities
physically and above all socially distant from the capital. Some were
searched and arrested as they returned to their parked cars with
provincial license plates or were about to aboard trains for home.
What propelled this defiance in Paris was something that could be called
the “anti-Paris”, people in the provinces who believe they are being
smothered by everything Paris represents. For three weeks, especially on
consecutive Saturdays, hundreds of thousands of people acting in
scattered small groups blocked highways and crossroads all over the
country, in small towns and big cities alike, along with fuel depots,
warehouses and other strategic facilities. Tending to be surprisingly
older for such a physical protest movement, they include small business
owners, the self-employed (like craftsmen, technicians and truck
drivers), lower level employees (nurses' aids, sales clerks), and
workers in factories and other rural workplaces. The social composition
seems to vary widely in different regions and even different
neighbouring towns. Many are poor, others not so poor, but almost all
are having trouble making it to the end of the month. One older woman
in northern France told a reporter, "We're the little people, not the
littlest, but the middle of the little." What initially triggered the
protest was a problem common to rural, small town and suburban people in
general, the increasingly painful price of fuel for their cars and
trucks.
Macron's "reforms" were meant to make France more "business-friendly"
but were broadly felt to be flagrantly inequitable. For instance, he all
but abolished a wealth tax on the rich, while imposing a flat tax of
8.6 percent on all pensions regardless of income. The Yellow Vests chose
to focus their anger on a government-decreed hike in the price of
diesel fuel scheduled for 1 January. Their adopted uniform is the
florescent emergency vest that signals drivers in distress.
Typically the Yellow Vests consider themselves people who live by
relying on their own efforts, and see the government as making it even
harder for them to do that. With France's once extensive local train
networks gutted, more and more people outside Paris drive long distances
not only for work but because public services are rapidly receding from
rural areas. They feel despised by the Parisian "elite" or "the upper
caste". Some refer to themselves as the "sans dents", the “toothless
people” as the aristocracy used to call the peasants, a joke, but a
bitter one where there are very few dentists and false teeth are a
luxury.
Macron justified the diesel tax as key to France’s ecological
transition. But not only would the tax hit poorer people hardest, Macron
has maintained France’s heavy reliance on nuclear power. Critics also
pointed out the hypocrisy of the government, which had encouraged people
for years to buy diesel vehicles in order to prop up France’s
automotive industry, a pillar of French industry and the whole economy,
against ever fiercer global competition. All this amounts to shameful
hypocrisy in a country whose flagship company is Total, a leader in
pillaging the world's natural resources and imposing carbon fuel
dependence.
The mainstream of the Yellow Vest protest, while fueled by anger at
Macron’s reforms and the destruction of the country’s safety net and the
outrageous inequalities that have been aggravated since the 2008
crisis, tends to look back to the "Trente Glorieuses”, the Glorious
Thirty years of advancing France's economy after World War 2, and
especially to the way things used to be, or at least the way they were
"supposed" to be back then, when there seemed to be a social contract
between those on high and those below in which everyone benefited, at
least a little. It's no accident that in the beginning, and still today,
when confronted by the police, the Yellow Vests chant, "The police with
us", meaning that even if the police are not now with "us", they should
be. One police union has even declared its support for the Yellow
Vests. At roadblocks near borders in northern France, some Yellow Vests
have demanded to know the nationality of drivers and inspected lorries
for immigrants, turning people over to the border police and often
bragging that they are doing the work of the police better than the
police themselves.
There's been much debate about the degree to which the movement is led
or being used by the "far right", meaning not Macron (who's called a
centrist only because almost all of the forces to his "left" have
collapsed), but Le Pen's Rassemblement National (formerly known as the
FN, National Front) and the remnants of France's traditional right, now
even more openly fascist than Le Pen, who recently has been trying to
seem more inclusive. There are clearly fascist forces directly involved,
including "Catho-fascho" (fascists encouraged by priests and bishops),
upper middle class youth fighting groups, "identitarians", currently
illegal fascist terrorist groups, royalists and others. To some extent
the regions where the Yellow Vests have been strongest map onto those
where Le Pen did best in the previous presidential elections. Many
Yellow Vests say they are apolitical and don't vote for anyone, but with
some exceptions, few are against the role played by Le Pen supporters
in their movement, and the frequent appearance of fascist banners in
mass protests has further normalized their presence in the country.
The most important thing is not whether Le Pen is "behind" this movement
organizationally. Consider the example of Italy's Five Star movement.
For years it declared itself apolitical and opposed to all parties in
the name of "horizontal democracy" by means of social media and Internet
referendums, but it ended up in a fascist coalition government
alongside openly terroristic thugs who dominate despite the fact that
Five Star won far more votes. Again and again mass movements that focus
on fighting to turn back the clock and bring back the promises of the
past social welfare state have been eaten alive by forces with very
clearly defined reactionary political projects – in this case installing
a fascist regime as part of defending and advancing France's position
among the bloodthirsty rival thieves of the imperialist world.
Macron and the party he created overnight came to power as an
"alternative" to all of the old main parties of the traditional right
and left whose collapse signified the collapsing legitimacy of the
broader political establishment. His project is to dismantle the old
social-democratic welfare state that claimed to stand for "social
solidarity" between all classes, while restoring the legitimacy of the
current bourgeois-democratic, parliamentary political set-up. For
instance, Macron rejected the small and almost symbolic increase in the
minimum wage that presidents traditionally grant, arguing that his goal
is not to improve the conditions of people in poverty but get rid of
poverty by making French capitalists more competitive in the world. This
hasn't worked. The enthusiasm among many people of all classes that led
to his election has been followed by a situation where most in the
middle and lower classes feel like he is picking their pockets for the
benefit of the rich. This had led to a further delegitimization of the
existing political structure.
Again, the Yellow Vest movement cannot be evaluated as an isolated
phenomenon. Le Pen’s fascist party has been a major force on France’s
political scene for over a generation; not only did she make it to the
run-offs for President 18 months ago, but her party is leading in the
polls for the upcoming European Parliament elections. Le Pen has played a
major role in shifting the whole political process to the right. As the
mainstream of traditional French politics collapses, as it has in
growing numbers of other Western countries, there is an increasing basis
for major sections of the ruling class to support her bid for power.
Macron is hoping that cancelling the fuel price hike will divide the
Yellow Vests and cut off the most determined among them from those among
the middle classes whose greatest concern is order, and undoubtedly to
use an iron fist on hard-core elements who persist. But stepping up
repression against a popular protest risks losing the support among
those who look to him as a rampart against the fascists, even as this
paves the way for the even more clearly authoritarian Le Pen.
The "far left", meaning especially Jean-Luc Melenchon, head of La France
Insoumise (France Unbowed), echoed Le Pen's call for Macron to step
down and make way for new elections. Instead of building people's
understanding and ability to stop fascism through their own independent
mass action, Melenchon is putting forward working through the very
channels that have brought about this situation in the first place as
the only way to put a halt to it. That's a reactionary and potentially
disastrous game based on a terrible underestimation of the danger of
fascism and an abandonment of the people's interests. Melenchon’s
programme, hailed by some as the “left populism” needed to combat Le
Pen’s “right populism”, combines defense of the social welfare state
with naked French nationalism. His support for the "republic" comes down
to support for the continuity of the French state and French society
more or less as it is today, proudly defending the welfare of "the
French" against foreign rival states and upholding their relative
privileges as citizens of one of the handful of countries whose great
wealth has been built on the backs of the world's peoples. But if you’re
going to go with this kind of nationalist project, why settle for the
toned-down version of the latecomer Melenchon, instead of the real deal,
the unabashed and aggressive nationalism of the original fascist, Le
Pen?!
The "other France" the Yellow Vests represent are not the only suffering
sections of the people. There is also the "other France" of urban,
multinational poor working class and lower middle class districts. For
example, there is a movement in Marseille protesting the recent collapse
of two buildings that killed eight people in a teeming, lively
multinational neighbourhood with some of the country's most dilapidated
housing. An angry march crossed a Yellow Vest procession. The Yellow
Vests carried French flags. People in the other march told them to
"flush that banner down the toilet." After the marches converged, police
started firing teargas grenades indiscriminately, not only at the
protesters but also aiming into apartment building windows, killing an
80-year-old woman. All this poses the question of how to unite the
oppressed.
There are other, extremely important stirrings of discontent in France..
On the same day as the first Yellow Vest demonstration of some 8,000
people in Paris, at least 20,000 and maybe many more mainly young women
and some men marched against sexual violence against women. Many tens of
thousands more took to the streets in secondary cities, a fresh sight
in a country where the "Me too" movement has met resistance and the
intellectual establishment likes to focus on the oppression of women in
Moslem countries. Young women raised slogans explicitly targeting
patriarchy and male supremacy. Their energy, anger, diversity and
numbers totally overflowed expectations. This, too was a heterogeneous
and contradictory thing, but it was fresh and forward-looking, with many
participants longing for real, liberating social change, springing from
a basic faultline in class society, the oppression of women that cannot
be ended without transforming the world.
How to go beyond the inevitably temporary intersection of different
interest groups and unite the people against their enemy, the
capitalist-imperialist ruling class and its state? Not like Melenchon,
trying to unite different parts of the masses on the basis of
nationalism and futile dreams of reviving the social-democratic welfare
state. And not like the anarchists trying to prove that the character of
the Yellow Vest movement can be changed and the movement led by proving
to be the best street fighters against the police. The people can't be
united spontaneously. Revolutionaries can't tail after anyone..
Macron and the defenders of the established social democratic order in
France have no answers to the oppression and suffeirng of the people.
Nor do LePen and the fascist forces waiting in the wings and readying to
pounce. These two contending forces ultimately represent different
forms of the outmoded order of exploitation, oppression, wars for
empire, and environmental catastrophe, and LePen’s fascist alternative
promises only to step all this up and do it all more violently and
efficiently.
As the Yellow Vest protests rock the country, what is needed is, in the
words of an Open Letter on the Midterm elections in the US (revcom.us),
“... a radically different alternative, a third future – a radical break
with all camps of imperialism, a different society based on eliminating
all forms of exploitation and oppression, overcoming the social
relations, morality and ways of thinking that have been stamped on
people by trying to survive in those societies, one that is as different
from today as day from night. A future for the emancipation of
humanity. There is today a highly developed vision and strategy and a
leadership founded on a scientific method for understanding the dynamics
of society and how it could be radically transformed through
revolution.” This alternative – Bob Avakian’s new communism – needs
urgently to be placed in the hands of a core of people in France who can
stride boldly into these stormy seas, so that more and more people
begin to understand the real situation and become transformed to fight
amidst it for the emancipation of humanity.
Yellow Vest update: France after the 4th national Saturday of outrage
The morning after the fourth consecutive Saturday of nationwide
demonstrations since the Yellow Vest movement exploded into view,
government spokespeople claimed that they "won". This is like the story
about a man plunging from a tall tower in the French film La haine
[Hate]: With every floor he passes, he mutters to himself, "So far, so
good."
The government congratulated itself that "only" 125,000 people came out,
according to its statistics – a very large number considering its
threat to use stronger teargas, beatings, pre-emptive mass arrests and
maybe live bullets. In fact, 2,000 people were detained and at least
1,200 among them jailed. Some 89,000 gendarmes and CRS paramilitary
forces were called out that day nationwide, in addition to the regular
police.
In Paris, major football matches, concerts and all other events where
crowds gather were cancelled. Museums closed, as well as key tourist
sites like the Eiffel Tower. The dozen armoured vehicles surrounding the
Arc de Triumphe enabled the security forces to hold it this time, but
the tens of thousands of of people who flooded the streets across the
city two weeks before Christmas were not shoppers. Department stores
were shut, shop windows boarded up, cafes took their tables and chairs
inside and few civilian vehicles were to be seen. The police kept larger
groups of protesters surrounded, but scattered, small groups of people
driven from the Champs-Elysees and others coming from all directions
played cat-and-mouse with the security forces, repeatedly confronting
them until a wind and rainstorm that night.
Yellow Vest encampments continue to stake out roundabouts in every
region, but the situation is no longer so directly defined by the rural
areas or even the movement itself. The huge numbers of people entering
cities to protest on Saturday often found themselves fighting in the
streets alongside students and urban youth of all social classes and
people who identify with other social movements. This happened in
Toulouse and Nantes, which saw some of the most important clashes, as
well as Paris. Many more teenagers and university-age protesters were on
the capital's streets than the previous three Saturdays. There and in
several other cities large contingents of environmental activists
converged with Yellow Vest concentrations. This is especially
significant since the authorities and their intellectuals have depicted
the Yellow Vests as opposed to ecological concerns.
Yet often these convergences took place on Yellow Vest terms, as a
movement of the French people against a wealthy elite disrupting the
unity of the nation. Environmental activists and other leftists in Paris
hung two very large canvases across a statue of Marianne, symbol of the
1789 French revolution. One depicted her as usual, waving the French
flag with one hand and carrying a rifle with the other as she leads the
people into battle to overthrow the monarchy, only now wearing a yellow
vest over her usually naked torso. The other screamed, "Give us our
money back", referencing the anti-tax hatred now being expressed by much
of French society as a whole, in all its class, ethnic, gender and
other diversity. A large banner saying "Furious, not fascist" went
against the trend to avoid making distinctions in the name of unity.
France's political crisis is growing all the more acute because neither
repression nor concessions seems likely to stop it. Solutions within the
framework of "normal" politics seem difficult and tenuous. What is
known as the "political class" is paralysed and dispirited and finds
itself with little argument or even much will to oppose the claim of
fascists like Marine Le Pen that only they can hold France together.
The call for turning over the state to the armed forces chief of staff
fired by Macron no longer seems like total lunacy. What makes the
situation so dangerous is not only all that, but the fact that the
mainstream of the Yellow Vest movement and many other political forces
tailing in its wake are prisoners of an inherently, if not always
obviously, nationalist outlook that can prove easy prey for organised
fascist forces.
There are deep divisions in French society about who gets to be
considered really French – especially regarding immigrants and their
children and grandchildren in the ghettos. "Power to the people" could
mean different things. Many people from the excluded sections of
society tend to support the Yellow Vest demands, despite their
nervousness about racism.. At the same time, many rural and urban Yellow
Vest supporters share establishment fears that this political disorder
may facilitate ghetto rebellions against the prevailing social order of
the kind that shook the country in 2005. While many Yellow Vest
supporters defend the anti-police violence associated with this movement
as necessary to make their voices heard, some of these same people and
others who feel threatened by disorder blame it on ghetto youth. This
was true even before now, when some ghetto youth in tracksuits and
hoodies are coming into the city centres to confront the police whom
they, more than anyone, have reason to hate.
About half the inhabitants of Mantes-la-Jolie , the site of several
ghetto rebellions in recent decades, live in overcrowded public housing
towers surrounded by open fields. They are separated from the rest of
the town and the nearly inaccessible capital city not so much by
distance as deliberate transportation barriers. When multiracial high
school students blocked school entrances and set fires as part of the
national wave of revolt, the police arrested about 150 of them
immediately. Videos seen by millions show the school kids, some as young
as 12, lined up against a wall or forced to kneel in rows with their
hands behind their heads, often tied, as police taunt them, standing
over them as if they were about to be executed. Nothing like this has
happened to all-"white" groups of protesters, even rioters.
In Paris and several cities on the following Saturday, rows of
protesters facing off with security forces took to their knees with
their hands behind their heads in solidarity with the Mantes-la-Joie
pupils.
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